심부하복벽동맥 천공지 유경 피판을 이용한 이영양성 수포성 표피박리증에 합병된 서혜부 편평 세포 상피암의 치료 - 증례 보고 -

김경필,김지훈,김의식,황재하,김광석,이삼용,Kim, Kyung-Pil,Kim, Ji-Hoon,Kim, Eui-Sik,Hwang, Jae-Ha,Kim, Kwang-Seog,Lee, Sam-Yong 대한미세수술학회 2010 Archives of reconstructive microsurgery Vol.19 No.2

Purpose: Epidermolysis bullosa is a rare genetic disease, characterized by the presence of extremely fragile skin and formation of recurrent blister resulting from even a minor mechanical injury. Squamous cell carcinoma (SCC) is recognized as a complication of the chronic scarring associated with dystrophic epidermolysis bullosa (DEB). When a soft tissue defect happens in a patient with epidermolysis bullosa, it is difficult to cover it with a skin graft or a flap. We describe the successful use of a pedicled deep inferior epigastric perforator flap for the reconstruction of SCC associated with DEB in the groin. Methods: A 29-year-old man diagnosed with DEB at birth sustained an ulcer increasing in the right groin for the last 7 months. Under general anesthesia, the mass lesion and lymph nodes were removed and the resulting defect was covered with a pedicled deep inferior epigastric perforator flap. Results: The flap survived completely and his postoperative course was uneventful. Histopathological examination revealed a SCC in the right groin and malignant tumor cells in the removed lymph nodes as well. Additional positron emission tomogram showed a malignant lesion in the ileocecal area with regional lymph node metastasis. The patient was referred to an oncologist for chemotheraphy, but the patient refused to take it. During a 4-month follow-up period, there was no recurrence in the right groin. Conclusion: We suggest that perforator flaps can be considered as a reliable alternative for the reconstruction of soft tissue defects in a patient with DEB.

카스텔의 네트워크 사회론 비판

김경필(Kim, Kyung Pil) 한국이론사회학회 2012 사회와 이론 Vol.20 No.-

이 글은 정보화를 설명하는 데 있어서 가장 대표적인 이론이라고 할 수 있는 카스텔의 네트워크 사회론을 이론의 핵심 개념인 정보화 발전양식에 주목해서 비판한다. 카스텔은 기존의 생산양식 개념과는 구별되는 발전 양식 개념을 창안하고 이를 바탕으로 작금의 시대는 정보화 발전 양식에 기반을 둔 네트워크 사회라고 주장한다. 하지만 이 글은 카스텔이 자본주의 산업사회와는 구별되는 네트워크 사회만의 구성 원리나 생산 원리를 제시 하지 못했다고 주장한다. 카스텔이 중시하는 생산성이나 네트워크 기업보다는 이윤율과 자본의 집적과 집중에 주목해서 이 글은 발전 양식 개념의 유효성에 질문을 던지는 동시에 작금의 사회는 여전히 자본주의 생산양식으로 설명이 가능한 사회이며, 카스텔의 네트워크 사회론은 다음 세 가지의 요소를 설명하지 않는다고 주장한다. 첫째, 카스텔은 상호 의존적인 네트워크 속에 내재해 있는 불평등의 문제, 계급투쟁의 문제를 등한시 한다. 둘째, 네트워크 사회론은 신경제의 허와 실을 설명할 수 없고, 그 결과 셋째, 이 이론을 통해서는 통치성(governmentality)과 정치적 프로젝트를 바탕으로 현대를 지배하고 있는 신자유주의가 무엇인지 알 수 없다는 것이다. This article is a critique of Manuel Castells’ theory of network society. Even though Castells’ theory has been considered as one of the most dominant theories explaining the modern informationalism, the main argument this article presents is that Castells’ logic of explaining the contemporary world is flawed and in need of reevaluation. Using the concept, ‘the mode of development’, Castells characterized today’s world as network society. And network society is based on the informational mode of development. However, it is this article’s aim to point out that what Castells presented as the distinctive principles of network society are not strictly distinguished from industrial society. Concentrating on profit rate, concentration and centralization of capital rather than productivity and network enterprise Castells emphasized, the validity of the concept ‘mode of development’ is questioned. This article argues that contemporary society is still a society which can be explained by the capitalist mode of production, and also that Castells’ theory fail to explain the following three elements. First, Castells neglected the inherent inequality and class struggles within interdependent networks. Second, his theory did not verify the truth and falsity of new economy. These two elements add themselves up to the logic that network society cannot explain the neoliberalism and how it is dominating the modern world with governmentality and political projects.

신자유주의화의 조건과 불균등발전 그리고 재생산

김경필(Kim, Kyung-Pil) 강원대학교 사회과학연구원 2019 사회과학연구 Vol.58 No.2

이 글은 신자유주의를 둘러싼 세 질문에 답한다. 첫째, 신자유주의 규정의 문제이다. 그간 신자유주의는 각각 이론, 정책, 정치 프로젝트, 통치성으로 이해되어 왔는데, 이 글은 신자유주의는 1970년대 위기에 대처하는 자본과 정부의 정치경제 프로젝트이고, 그것은 자본의 전략과 정부 정책을 토대로 이론과 통치성이 결합된 것이라 이야기한다. 둘째, 신자유주의화의 조건과 성격 및 형태를 결정하는 요인을 밝히는 것이다. 한 사회 신자유주의화를 만들어내는 변수로 이 글은 정치에서는 민주주의 운영 여부, 집권 정당 성격, 권력 분산 정도를, 경제에서는 국가의 자본 규율 정도, 기업 이해당사자간 힘의 관계, 지구 수준에서 자본 간 경쟁에 직면에 하는지에 그리고 시민사회에서는 여러 이익의 자율적 조직화와 언론과 지식네트워크 담론의 성격에 주목했다. 한 사회의 신자유주의화는 시간의 흐름에 따라 이러한 변수들이 상호작용해서 여러 형태를 띠며, 부문별로 불균등하게 전개되고, 복잡한 성격을 보일 것이다. 셋째, 신자유주의 재생산의 기제를 해명하는 것이다. 2008년 위기와 불안정성, 사회경제적 양극화에도 불구하고 신자유주의는 지속적으로 재생산되고 있는데, 그 이유를 이 글은 신자유주의 축적전략의 성공, 정치⋅경제⋅시민사회에서 신자유주의 블록의 힘의 우위, 신자유주의의 사회적 배태성으로 설명한다. This article answers three questions surrounding neoliberalism. The first is how to define neoliberalism. Neoliberalism has been understood as theory, policy, political project, and governmentality, respectively. This article argues that neoliberalism is basically a political economic project of capital and government that copes with the crisis in the 1970s, which combines theory and governmentality based on capital accumulation strategy and government policy. Second, it is to identify the factors that determine the conditions, nature and form of neoliberalization. As a variable that creates a neoliberalization, this paper focuses on the operation of democracy, the nature of the ruling party, and the degree of power dispersion in politics. In the economy, it is important whether the state can impose discipline on capital, the relations of power among business stakeholders, and whether companies face competition between capitals at the global level. In civil society, the focus was on whether various interests are organized autonomously and the nature of discourses spread by media and knowledge network. The neoliberalization of a society will take on variegated forms by interacting with these variables over time, developing unevenly across sectors, and exhibiting complex characteristics. Third, it explains the mechanism of reproduction of neoliberalism. Despite the global financial crisis, instability, and socioeconomic polarization, neoliberalism continues to be reproduced. The reason for this can be explained by the success of the neoliberal capital accumulation strategy, the superiority of the power of neoliberal blocs in politics, economy and civil society, and the social embeddedness of neoliberalism.

김영삼 정부 이후의 국방문민화: 국가안전보장회의를 중심으로

김경필 ( Kim Kyung-pil ),남윤철 ( Nam Yuncheol ) 고려대학교 한국사회연구소 2021 한국사회 Vol.22 No.2

This paper explains the civilian control over the military in security and defense policymaking from the Kim Young-sam administration, the first civilian government after democratization, to the Park Geun-hye administration. An important body in South Korea's civilian control is the NSC, which can be in charge of planning, implementing, and coordinating security and defense policies. In this paper, the level of civilian control is explained based on the institutionalization of the NSC and the degree of openness in policy decision-making. The activation and expansion of the NSC took place during the Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun administrations. Despite the economic crisis and opposition from the military, the Ministry of National Defense, and the opposition party, they strengthened civilian control through political compromises and amendments to the Presidential Decree. Therefore, the Blue House was able to promote a change in policy toward North Korea, a change in the direction of military command and leadership, defense reform, and transfer of wartime operational control, led by the NSC. During the Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye administrations, civilian control was weakened. The Lee Myung-bak administration pursued a small government and disbanded the NSC. While the military's influence in policy planning and decision-making was strengthened, policy coordination was not been well achieved. The Park Geun-hye administration introduced the National Security Office and re-established the NSC, but the policy-making process was more closed than in the past. Former military generals occupied important positions in policymaking, and major security and defense policies were implemented in a way that was consistent with military preferences or promoted military autonomy.

프랑스와 한국의 초기 자유화 경제정책 이행: 국가규율과 시장규율의 뒤섞임

김경필 ( Kim Kyung-pil ) 고려대학교 한국사회연구소 2020 한국사회 Vol.21 No.1

The article analyzes the liberal turn of the French government of Giscard d’Estaing and South Korea's Chun Doo-hwan regime, who have attempted to implement liberal economic policies at a very early time but have received less attention. Giscard d’Estaing, who came to power in 1974, and Chun Doo-Hwan, who seized power in the 1979 coup, put neoclassical economist and bureaucrat at the forefront to cope with the economic crisis. They aimed to overcome crisis, increase economic growth, and enhance corporate competitiveness, and suggested liberalization as a new alternative. This process was to replace existing state discipline for economy and business with market discipline. France and South Korea have attempted liberalization in the macroeconomic, financial and industrial sectors, but liberalization has been only partially successful. National and market disciplines have been mixed. In both cases, lack of policy consistency and corporate backlash were important. In France, civil opposition influenced liberalization, and eventually the government was defeated in the election, and liberalization ceased. On the other hand, in South Korea, the will of the government influenced liberalization, and the momentum for liberalization disappeared when key officials died in the terrorist attacks. The analysis shows that in explaining the liberal turn, attention should be paid to whether a nation's political form is democracy, policy consistency and domain, historical contingency, and the response of large corporations.

신자유주의적 전환에 관한 정치사회학적 연구 -미국, 영국, 독일, 프랑스의 사례를 중심으로

김경필 ( Kyung Pil Kim ) 고려대학교 한국사회연구소 2008 한국사회 Vol.9 No.1

인조스웨드의 견뢰도 향상에 관한 연구 (3)

김경필(Kyung Pil Kim),김혜인(Hea In Kim) 한국염색가공학회 2016 韓國染色加工學會誌 Vol.28 No.4

스콧이 그려낸 지배와 저항의 이중주

김경필(Kyung-Pil Kim) 강원대학교 사회통합연구센터 2020 사회통합연구 Vol.1 No.2

James Scott has been constantly paying attention to the lives of the powerless and has studied power relations between the ruler and the ruled. In this book ‘Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts’, he asked the question, ‘how to study power relations?’, and paid attention to the words in the context of power relations. He deepened the concept “everyday forms of resistance”, which he posed in the past, insisting that the power relationship cannot be grasped only by the public transcript. In order to catch what is happening behind the quiet surface, and to see the contradictions and possibilities of change, one should pay attention to the hidden transcript. Scott’s theory of power presented in this book is significant in that it makes us aware of the problems of Lukes’ theory of three-dimensional power and Gramsci’s concept of hegemony, and presents a new question and concept.

1987년 이후 재벌 자본축적방식의 전환

김경필(Kim, Kyung-Pil) 비판사회학회 2018 경제와 사회 Vol.- No.118

이 글은 1987년부터 1990년대 초반에 이르는 기간 동안 벌어진 재벌의 자본축적방식 전환에 대해 설명한다. 많은 이들은 민주화나 올림픽으로 이 시기를 기억하고, 거시구조 연구들은 대부분 이때를 군사독재와 1997년 위기 사이의 과도기 정도로 설정한다. 하지만 이 글은 이 시기가 재벌에게 결정적 시기였다고 지적하며, 이때 재벌이 자본축적방식을 전환하기 시작했다고 주장한다. 기존의 노동 통제에 내재된 모순이 1987년 노동자 대투쟁의 형태로 폭발했고, 지리적 불균등 발전의 모순은 생산 · 유통 비용의 증가로 발현되었다. 이처럼 축적모순이 분출한 상황, 지구 · 지역 수준에서의 자본 간 경쟁 격화와 국가 규율 붕괴, 3저 호황의 종언에 직면한 재벌은 자본순환 및 축적의 공간과 형태, 노동 관리를 조건 변화에 따라 유동적으로 조정하는 유연화 축적방식을 취하게 된다. 이들은 축적요소조달, 생산, 유통을 국가 수준에서 국가는 물론 지구적 단위를 포괄하는 수준으로 넓히려 했고, 자본순환 및 축적의 형태를 산업은 물론 금융 및 상업자본의 형태를 넘나드는 방식으로 변화시켰다. 또한 노동 관리에서도 재벌은 임금의 기준을 능력주의로, 고용형태를 해고가 용이한 간접노동으로 전환시키려 했고, 노동력의 다기능화도 추진했다. 새로운 축적방식은 이미 1990년대 초반부터 몇몇 부문에서 시행되기 시작했고, 이와 함께 재벌은 성장을 거듭했다. 하지만 이 방식은 모순을 내재하고 있는 것이었고, 이는 시공간의 변동과 결합되면서, 1997년 위기의 한 요인이 된다. 하지만 위기 이후에도 재벌은 유연화 기조를 지속적으로 유지, 발전시키고 있다. This paper explains the transformation of chaebols’ capital accumulation strategy during the period from 1987 to the early 1990s. People remember this period as a period of democratization, and many macro-structural studies have shown this period as a transition one between military dictatorship and the 1997 crisis. However, this paper points out that this period was a decisive time for chaebols and argues that the chaebols’ capital accumulation strategy was transformed at this time. The contradiction of the existing strategy was expressed in 1987 by the outbreak of the workers’ struggle and the rising cost of production and distribution. In addition, the competition between global and regional capitalists has intensified, the discipline of state has collapsed and the economic boom has begun to show its end. The chaebols gradually accumulated capital in new ways, which were to flexibilize the space, form, and labor forces. They attempted to expand the spaces of the circuit of capital from nation to global level. And they also accumulate capital in forms of commercial and finance capital. Chaebols have begun to counteract the unions with the flexibilization of labor, and in their struggle with labor, they carried out functional and quantitative flexibilization. Chaebols were able to increase both sales and profit through flexibilization, though they encountered the 1997 crisis less than a decade after new strategy was adapted. However, even after the crisis, they continue to maintain and develop the flexibilitzation.

1997년 외환위기 이전 한국의 국가-기업 관계: 불균등 복합성 접근

김경필(Kyung-Pil, Kim) 강원대학교 사회과학연구원 2024 사회과학연구 Vol.63 No.1