Global Korea와 동아시아 다자안보협력체제

구본학(具本學, KOO Bon-Hak) 신아시아연구소(구 신아세아질서연구회) 2009 신아세아 Vol.16 No.4

탈냉전 시대 안보문제의 특징은 강대국간의 대규모 전쟁 위험은 사라졌지만 인종 및 민족분규, 테러리즘, 환경문제, 인권문제, 자원문제, 해적 및 마약문제 등 다양한 종류의 갈등이 분쟁으로 확대될 가능성이 상존하는 반면, 강대국 또는 어느 일국의 노력만으로는 해결되기 어려운 특성을 가지고 있다. 따라서 공동안보 또는 협력안보의 관점에서 문제를 접근할 필요가 있다. 탈냉전 이후 동아시아에서도 다자안보협력에 관해 많은 논의가 있었으나, 역내 국가들간의 상호신뢰 부족 또는 공동의 이해관계 부족으로 인해 아직 초보적 단계에서 벗어나지 못하고 있다. 북한 핵문제 역시 동아시아 다자안보협력을 어렵게 만드는 요인으로 작용하고 있다. 현재 역내에서는 아세안지역안보포럼(ARF)을 비롯하여 국방장관회의인 아시아안보회의(일명 샹그릴라대화) 등 다양한 다자안보대화 채널이 가동 중이다. 또한, 한중일 및 미중일 등 3자 중심의 소다자주의도 활발하게 진행되고 있다. 한국의 입장에서 볼 때, 동아시아 다자안보협력체제는 북한의 핵문제를 해결하는 동시에, 한반도의 평화와 안정, 그리고 통일을 촉진할 수 있는 역할을 수행해야 하며, 나아가 역내 국가들간의 군사적 투명성과 신뢰를 구축할 수 있는 매커니즘의 역할을 수행해야 한다. 또한, 테러리즘과 마약문제 및 환경오염 등 다양한 초국가적 문제들을 해결하는데 기여해야 한다. 동아시아 국가들의 역사적 경험은 다자안보협력에 대해 부정적 요인으로 작용하고 있으나, 보다 많은 접촉과 대화를 통해 상호 이해를 제고하고 공동체 인식을 확대해 나갈 경우 구체화될 수 있을 것이다. In the post-Cold War era, the possibility of armed conflict between the two super-powers has been significantly reduced, but there exist new sources of conflict such as racial and religious disputes, pollution, human rights, terrorism, energy issues, etc. These issues can not be resolved easily by a super-power or one country, but must be resolved in terms of common security or cooperative security. Though, there have been various discussions on multilateral security cooperation in the post-Cold War East Asia, multilateralism in the region Asia is still in an initial stage due largely to the lack of mutual confidence and common interests among regional countries. North Korean nuclear issue also makes multilateralism difficult to be materialized. Currently, various multilateral security dialogues exist in East Asia including the ARF, the Shangri-la dialogue, etc. and several mini-multilateral dialogues. From a South Korean point of view, any multilateral security cooperation system in the region should contribute to resolve North Korean nuclear issue, promote peace and security of the Korean peninsula, and reunify the peninsula. At the same time, it must be a mechanism not only to build mutual confidence and military transparency in the region, but also to resolve such transnational issues as terrorism, drug trafficking, piracy, pollution, and so on. Though East Asian countries do not have positive perception on multilateralism due to historical experiences, more contacts and more dialogues, however, will increase mutual understanding and cooperation, and a sense of East Asian community. That will bring multilateral security cooperation make possible in the region.

EMG 텍스타일 전극으로서의 적절한 압착방식 및 소재 성능 평가

구본학,이상호,차경훈,김상운,김주용,Koo, Bon-Hak,Lee, Sang-ho,Cha, Kyung-hoon,Kim, Sang-Un,Kim, Joo-yong 한국섬유공학회 2022 한국섬유공학회지 Vol.59 No.5

After COVID-19, there is a growing demand for bio-signal wearable devices in everyday life owing to an increasing interest in health and fitness. Studies on wearable surface electromyography (sEMG) electrodes are being conducted because sEMG can measure muscle activity signals without incurring pain and bleeding. EMG electrodes are made of gel (i.e., Ag/AgCl); however, they are not suitable for long-term use in everyday life owing to their strong adhesive force and adverse impact on the skin. Accordingly, dry textile electrodes are required, along with electrode materials and compression methods suitable for obtaining EMG signals. Therefore, this study evaluated the performance of the EMG electrode compression method and appropriate textile electrode materials. Conductive textile electrodes were made of silver fabric, silver coating fabric, carbon fabric, and CNT-Dipping neoprene, and an EMG sensor was positioned at the biceps according to the SENIAM to obtain signals and raw data for each material and compression method. Silver fabric exhibited a significant muscle active/release signal data difference and low dispersion and demonstrated a high signal-to-noise ratio (SNR), which confirms that it is the most appropriate electrode material for conducting measurements. Therefore, while comparing the SNR of the silver fabric electrode and general wet electrodes in the band type, it exhibited similar performance and indicated that the wet electrode can be replaced with a textile dry electrode (band silver fabric electrode: 16.14±1.50; wet electrode: 17.77±1.00).

청계천 복원 후 3년간 식물상 변화

김형국 ( Hyeong Guk Kim ),구본학 ( Bon Hak Koo ) 한국환경복원기술학회(구 한국환경복원녹화기술학회) 2010 한국환경복원기술학회지 Vol.13 No.6

This study was surveyed to identify changes of flora during three years after restoration in Cheonggyecheon stream. There are four sections in Cheonggyecheon. One and two sections are upper streams and three and four sections are down streams. It was surveyed 328 species in 2006. In 2007 and 2008, 446 and 444 species were found, respectively. This result shows that Cheonggyecheon is unstable initial condition in restored stream ecosystem. Naturalized species were 58 species in 2006 and it was respectively 61 and 63 species in 2007 and 2008. Hazard species of ecosystem were three common species during survey period. In appearance of flora per section, three and four sections constituted by natural sites such as point bars, wide flood plains, riffles and ponds, marshes, etc. were surveyed more species than one and two constructed by concrete materials and narrow flow channel. Recently, as time goes by, introduced species are being increased. And succession has mainly been progressed by one year or binary herbs and perennial herbs. Corresponding author:Koo, Bon-hak, Dept. of Environmental Landscape Architecture, Sang Myung University, Cheonan 330-720, Korea, Tel:+82-41-550-5300, E-mail:ecoculture@smu.ac.kr Received:11 November 2010. Revised:8 December 2010. Accepted:20 December 2010. - 107 - Compared with other restored streams, Cheonggyecheon showed more flora than Yangjaecheon and Anyangcheon. It is judged owing to length of surveyed site, various planted species and area of inhabitation space. To manage restored stream ecosystem, monitoring is essential. Further, because change of vegetation after restoration in Cheonggyecheon is very important, continuous monitoring about Flora and Naturalized species and Hazard species of ecosystem is also very important.

북한의 도전

구본학(Bon-Hak Koo) 고려대학교 일민국제관계연구원 2009 국제관계연구 Vol.14 No.2

North Korea has refused to talk with South Korea since the Lee Myung-bak administration inaugurated in February 2008. Moreover, it launched long-range missile and exploded second nuclear bomb in April and May 2009 respectively. North Korea’s hard-line policy toward South Korea and the United States can be interpreted by four different aspects: (a) to put pressure on the Lee Myung-bak administration to change its North Korea policy, the so-called “denuclearization, opening, and 3000”; (b) to obtain more desirable position in negotiations with the United States in dealing with its nuclear issue; (c) to consolidate its domestic politics for a stable power succession; and (d) to make its nuclear bomb a fait accompli. Though South Korea provided 6.9 billion dollars officially for the past 10 years under the “Sunshine Policy,” it failed to change North Korea. Unconditional assistance to the Kim Jong Il regime will not only prolong sufferings of North Koreans, but also affect negatively on long-term North-South relations. Therefore, South Korea’s North Korea policy must be a policy that can change fundamental system of North Korea. It must be a policy that can lead denuclearization of North Korea, that can lead reform and opening of North Korea, and that can guarantee transparency in distribution of humanitarian aids. Otherwise, it is impossible to expect changes in North Korea.

한미동맹과 북대서양조약기구의 연합지휘체계 비교

구본학(KOO Bon Hak)(具本學) 신아시아연구소(구 신아세아질서연구회) 2018 신아세아 Vol.25 No.1

2007년 2월 한미 양국의 국방장관은 2012년 4월 17일 한미연합군사령관이 행사하고 있는 한국군에 대한 전시작전통제권을 한국군에 전환하기로 합의했다. 그러나, 북한의 핵과 탄도미사일 개발과 천안함 폭침 등으로 인해 전작권 전환은 연기되었고, 2014년 10월 한미 연례안보협의회의에서 시기가 아닌 조건에 따른 전작권 전환이 합의됐다. 그러나, 문재인 정부는 ‘조속한 전작권 전환’을 국정과제로 설정하고 임기내 달성을 목표로 추진하고 있다. 미군 장성이 한국군에대한 전작권을 행사하는 것은 주권 침해이며, 한국은 국군에 대한 통수권을 다른 나라에 맡긴 지구상에서 유일한 국가라는 것이 그 이유다. 본 논문은 한미동맹과 북대서양조약기구의 지휘구조를 살펴봄으로써 전작권 전환을 추진하고 있는 논리적 근거가 타당한지를 검증하고자 한다. 한미동맹과 북대서양조약기구는 양자동맹과 다자동맹이라는 차원에서 초래되는 형식적 의사결정기구의 차이점 이외에 군사력 사용에 있어서 각국 최고통수권자의 동의 또는 승인, 연합군사령부를 운용하는 통합형 지휘구조, 연합군의 작전 수행을 위해서는 양국 또는 회원국의 대표로 구성된 군사위원회의 합의, 미군 4성 장군의 연합군최고사령관 보임, 평시 한국과 각 회원국은 자국 군대에 대한 지휘권을 가지는 반면, 전시에는 연합군최고사령관이 연합군에 대한 작전통제권 행사 등에 있어서 매우 유사하다. 다만, 한미동맹은 전시 한미연합군사령부에 배속될 부대를 사전에 결정해 두고 있으나, 북대서양조약기구는 전시 동맹최고사령부에 배속될 부대를 회원국이 자율적으로 결정하도록 하고 있다는 점에서 차이가 있다. 이렇게 볼 때, NATO 회원국들도 전시에는 NATO에 배속된 자국 군대를 NATO 최고사령관인 미군 4성 장군이 지휘통제 하도록 허용하고 있음을 알 수 있다. 전시에는 전쟁에 승리하는 것이 가장 중요하다. 자주독립국가로서 전작권을 우리 군이 가지는 것을 반대할 이유는 없다. 그러나, 이로 인해 안보가 위기에 처하는 것을 용납해서는 안된다. 전작권 전환 자체가 목적이 될 수는 없다. 북한의 핵과 탄도미사일 위협, 서해 NLL 및 휴전선 인근에서의 위협과 무력적화통일 기도를 억제할 수 있는 가장 효율적인 방안이 무엇인가에 중점을 두어야 한다. In February 2007, the ROK Minister of Defense and the US Secretary of Defense agreed to transfer wartime operational control (OPCON) of the ROK-US Combined Forces Command (CFC), which was exercised by the Commander of the CFC, to an ROK general. The agreement was postponed by North Korean nuclear and missile provocations and the Cheonan incident, however. In October 2014, the ROK and US defense ministers agreed that OPCON transfer should proceed, but it should occur not at a particular time but when certain conditions are met. President Moon Jae-in aims to finish OPCON transfer by the end of his presidency. He believes that the current command structure undermines South Korea’s sovereignty and South Korea is the only country that gives OPCON to other country. This paper explores the logical validity of arguments supporting OPCON transfer by comparing command structures of the ROK-US CFC and the Allied Command Operation (ACO) in NATO. The ROK-US alliance and NATO differ in decision-making system due to a difference in the number of participants. The CFC and the ACO both require agreement or approval by the supreme commander of member countries if the commander of CFC or the Supreme Allied Command Europe (SACEUR) uses allied powers in a military operation. The CFC and the ACO both maintain an integrated command structure. The ROK-US alliance and the NATO both operate Military Committees to give recommendations, guidance, or directives to supreme commanders or military commanders of respective countries. Four-star US generals command the ROK-US and the ACO (or SHAPE). South Korea as a sovereign nation must maintain OPCON. It should not allow OPCON transfer to cause a national security crisis, however. The ROK must find the most effective method to deter North Korean nuclear and missile threats, and North Korean provocations near the Northern Limit Line and the DMZ.

한미동맹의 미래 비전과 목표

구본학(KOO Bon Hak)(具本學) 신아시아연구소(구 신아세아질서연구회) 2018 신아세아 Vol.25 No.4

지난 65년간 한미동맹은 북한의 남침을 성공적으로 억제해 왔을 뿐만 아니라 대한민국의 민주화와 경제발전을 견인하는 역할을 수행했지만, 탈냉전기에 들어오면서부터 다양한 도전에 직면해 왔다. 최근에는 한국의 진보정권 등장과 남북관계의 변화와 더불어 미국 우선주의를 추구하고 있는 트럼프 정부의 등장으로 한미동맹의 미래에 대한 불확실성은 더욱 증대되었다. 특히, 지난 4월 판문점에서의 남북정상회담과 6월 싱가포르 미북정상회담 이후 한미동맹에 대한 도전을 더욱 심각해졌다. 문재인 정부는 조속한 전작권 전환을 추진하고 있으며, 트럼프대통령은 한미연합군사훈련의 중단 또는 연기를 언급하고 있다. 북한 비핵화와 대북제재 해제, 한미연합훈련의 중단 및 축소, 미래연합군사령부 및 전작권 전환, 방위비분담금 등의 이슈를 둘러싸고 한미간 갈등이 고조되고 있다. 일부에서는 동맹의 이완 또는 결별 가능성까지 제기되고 있다. 이러한 상황에서, 한미간 굳건한 동맹관계를 유지하기 위해서는 양국이 지키고자 하는 자유민주주의와 시장경제체제의 가치를 공유하고, 긴밀한 정책공조를 통해 상호 신뢰의 수준을 제고해야 하며, 일국이 일방적으로 수혜받는 관계가 아닌 상호호혜적인 동맹관계를 발전시켜야 한다. 또한, 새로운 국제질서에 적응하고 진화하는 방안을 모색해야 한다. 이를 위해서는 제한적인 군사적 동맹에서 포괄적인 전략동맹으로 전환해야 하며, 한반도뿐만 아니라 아태지역 및 글로벌 차원의 동맹으로 영역을 확대해야 한다. 뿐만 아니라, 한반도 통일과정과 통일 이후에도 한반도 및 지역 차원에서 평화와 안전을 도모하는 안정자의 역할을 수행하는 동맹으로 발전해야 한다. For the past 65 years, the ROK-US alliance has successfully deterred the outbreak of all-out war on the Korean Peninsula and played an important role in both the political and economic development of South Korea. The alliance, nevertheless, has faced various challenges since the beginning of the post-Cold War era. Moreover, the inauguration of President Moon in South Korea and President Trump in the US have increased uncertainty over the future of the alliance. After the Panmunjom South-North Summit in April and the Singapore US-North Korea Summit in June, the ROK-US alliance faced more serious challenges. President Moon has pursued transfer of war-time operational control (OPCON) of the ROK-US Combined Forces Command, currently possessed by a four-star general of the US Army, to an ROK four-star general (chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff). The two governments maintain different ideas and approaches on such issues as denuclearization of North Korea, sanctions against North Korea, suspension and reduction of ROK-US joint military exercises, transfer of OPCON, defense burden-sharing, and so on. Scholars and specialists worry about relaxation or possible decoupling of the alliance. In these circumstances, the two governments must make strenuous efforts to maintain and develop the blood-bonded alliance. The alliance must share the values of democracy and a market economy, increase mutual confidence through close consultation and cooperation, and develop a mutually reciprocal relationship. In addition, the two governments must exert all possible efforts to accommodate a changing international order. The ROK-US alliance, therefore, must transform itself from a Korean Peninsula military alliance to a regional comprehensive alliance. The alliance must be maintained even after unification of the peninsula as a regional stabilizer to promote peace and security in the Korean Peninsula as well as in the Asia-Pacific.

2000 년 춘계 학술회의 : 남북 정상회담과 통일전망 : 남북정상회담 이후 남북경협 전망

구본학(Bon Hak Koo) 연세대학교 사회과학연구소 2000 사회과학논집 Vol.31 No.-

N/A

제4차 6자회담의 의미와 한국의 정책방향

구본학(Bon-Hak Koo) 고려대학교 일민국제관계연구원 2005 국제관계연구 Vol.10 No.1,2

On February 10, 2005, the North Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs officially declared that it possessed nuclear weapons. The North Korean declaration further aggravated the possibility of resuming the Six-party Talks which already has been deadlocked since June 2004. North Korean intentions for that declaration were evaluated as: (a) to increase its bargaining leverage in dealing with the U.S.; (b) to abolish the Six-party Talks and bring a new negotiation mechanism; and (c) to fix its possession of nuclear weapon as a fait accompli. After the declaration, South Korea and other related-countries made various diplomatic efforts to induce North Korea to the Six-party Talks. As a result, the fourth Six-party Talks resumed in Beijing on August 26, 2005, but adjourned in 13 days with no agreement. The core issue at the fourth Six-party Talks were focused on the scope of abolishment on the North Korean nuclear program and North Korea's rights to use nuclear energy for peaceful purpose. The U.S. maintained that if North Korea abolish all nuclear weapons and nuclear program, it will provide security guarantee and pursue normalization of the relationship with North Korea. North Korea insisted that the U.S. and North Korea normalize there relationship and the U.S. remove nuclear threat against North Korea before it abandon its nuclear program. North Korea also maintained that it will keep the rights to use nuclear energy for peaceful purpose even after the abandonment of the nuclear program. The second phase of the fourth Six-party Talks resumed on September 13, 2005, and adopted a joint statement. North Korea agreed to abandon "all nuclear weapons and nuclear program." The joint statement is evaluated as a first step to resolve the second North Korean nuclear crisis, which was triggered by North Korea's unilateral announcement on the removal of nuclear freeze on December 12, 2002. Nevertheless, it is expected that a complete resolution of the North Korean nuclear problem will take a considerable time. At the joint statement, North Korea agreed to return to the NPT and accept IAEA inspection, and related countries agreed to provide a light water reactor (LWR) to North Korea. North Korea insists that if related countries provide the LWR, then it will return to the NPT and accept IAEA inspections. Therefore, another nuclear crisis might be possible if North Korea would not implement sincerely the joint statement. In these circumstances, a firm and solid trilateral cooperation among South Korea, the U.S. and Japan must be the most effective means to resolve North Korean nuclear issue. We may not expect a positive Chinese cooperation without a strong cooperation among the three countries. South Korea's reconciliation and cooperation policy toward North Korea should be reexamined. South Korea's policies on Kumkangsan Tourism, reconnection of railroad, and Kaesong Industrial Complex may hinder peaceful resolution of the North Korean nuclear issue. Readjustment of the ROK-U.S. alliance may be a demand of the times. The alliance which was established in the Cold War period may not be suitable in the post-Cold War period. However, the readjustment must be based on the mutual confidence between South Korea and the U.S. Maintaining a free and democratic society and a market economic system is a core value of our society. Based on that consideration, we should develop a future-oriented ROK-U.S. alliance and make every effort to resolve North Korean nuclear issue.

한·미동맹과 한·중 전략적 동반자관계의 조화

구본학(KOO, Bon-hak) 신아시아연구소(구 신아세아질서연구회) 2015 신아세아 Vol.22 No.4

911테러 이후 중국의 부상과 미국의 쇠퇴가 심화되면서 미국과 중국의 경쟁구조 하에서 우리의 외교정책 방향에 대한 논의가 활발하게 진행되었다. ‘연미화중’ 또는 ‘안미경중’의 전략을 추진해야 한다는 주장이 제기되었으며, ‘중견국외교’가 제시되기도 했다. 그러나 그 어느 것도 우리의 딜레마를 해결해 주지는 못하고 있다. 미국은 대테러전을 수행하고 범세계적 금융위기를 극복하기 위해 중국의 협력을 필요로 하지만, 동시에 중국의 군사력 급증과 아태지역에서 점점하고 있는 중국의 영향력 확장을 견제하지 않을 수 없다. 중국은 급신장한 경제력을 바탕으로 군사력을 꾸준히 증강시켜 왔으며 태평양으로의 진출을기도하고 있다. 재정위기에 처한 미국은 미일동맹의 강화와 일본 자위대의 안보역할 확대를 통해 중국을 견제하려는 전략을 추구하고 있다. 이러한 상황에서 북한의 위협에 대처하는 동시에 경제발전 을 지속해야 하는 한국으로서는 안보는 미국, 경제는 중국에 의존하는 정책을 추진하지 않을 수 없다. 그러나 미국의 재균형전략과 중국의 신형대국관계론은 우리에게 선택을 강요하고 있다. 미중간 경쟁구도로 인하여 사드의 한반도 배치, 북한 핵문제 해결 방안, 일본의 지역 안보역할 확대 및 한미일 안보협력, 중국의 포괄적경제협력체 가입, 박근혜 대통령의 중국 전승 70주년 열병식 참여 등을 둘러싸고 미국과 중국 양측으로부터 직간접적인 압력과 외교적 압박을 받았던 것이 사실이다. 안보는 미국, 경제는 중국에 의존해 있는 우리의 상황, 즉 두 강대국의 세력경쟁 틈바구니에 끼여있는 우리의 상황은 한쪽을 선택할 수 없는 딜레마에 봉착해 있다. 이에 대해 우리의 학계와 정책당국에서는 연미화중, 안미경중, 균형외교, 편승외교, 중견국외교등 다양한 방안을 제시하고 논의해 왔지만 적절한 해답을 구하기 쉽지 않다. 그러나 한미동맹을 통해 안보를 확실히 하면서 중국과의 경제협력을 강화하고, 우리의 입장을 당당하게 밝히고 적극적으로 설명함으로써 양 강대국의 이해를 구하는 능동적 외교를 추구하는 것이 최선의 방책일 것이다. There is great debate about the future of South Korea's foreign policy under U.S.-China competition. Some call for “strengthening the alliance with the U.S. while increasing economic cooperation with China,” and others seek “depending on the U.S. for security and China for its economy at the same time.” Neither policy is appropriate nor able to resolve the dilemma posed by the rivalry between the U.S. and China. Although the U.S. needs Chinese cooperation to resolve international terrorism and global economic crises, it must check Chinese economic and military expansion in the Asia-Pacific region. China has made strenuous efforts to build up its military, especially its naval forces, to expand its sphere of influence in the region. The U.S. has tried to deter this by strengthening the U.S.-Japan alliance and by expanding the regional security role of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces. South Korea, under continuous military threats from North Korea, must strengthen its military alliance with the U.S. and economic partnership with China at the same time. South Korea has been asked directly or indirectly by both the U.S. and China to make its position clear on such issues as THAAD, the regional security role of Japan, ROK-US-Japan trilateral security cooperation, participation in the Chinese-led RCEP, President Park’s visit to Beijing for the parade marking the 70th anniversary of the victory in WWII, and others. The debate over policy continues. South Korea must maintain a firm alliance with the U.S. and expand economic cooperation with China. Thus, it will be best for South Korea to pursue active diplomacy that clarifies its foreign policy stance toward both the U.S. and China.

표준습지 분석을 통한 대체습지의 생태 성능 기준 개발

구본학 ( Bon Hak Koo ),정진용 ( Jin Yong Jeong ),박미옥 ( Mi Ok Park ) 한국환경복원기술학회(구 한국환경복원녹화기술학회) 2011 한국환경복원기술학회지 Vol.14 No.1

This study was established to build and suggest the Ecological Performance Standards for replaced wetlands as the mitigation strategies for the construction projects. The request performance and assessment factors and standards were derived by bibliographic review and verified by the field survey for the reference wetlands. And the weights for each factor were derived by AHP(Analytical Hierarchy Process) method. The results are as follows: 1) Assessment factors were induced by in-depth research of many wetland assessment models and benchmarks evaluated ecological functions. This study proposed final 12 assessment factors through ecological specialist and experts interviews added with literature analysis. 2) 10 natural wetlands were selected as Reference Wetlands as the measure to propose assessment factors and assessment criteria. Those reference wetlands are well-conserved inland natural wetlands classified to the one having worthy to conserve (grade "high") according to RAM(Rapid Assessment Method). Reference wetlands chosen by the study are Parksilji, Jeongyangji, Mulkubi, Bawineupkubi, Jilnalneup, Jinchonneup, Doomoso, Haepyung wetland, Whangjeong wetland, and Whapo wetland. The research developed assessment criteria for the performance assessment factors based on several explorations of the reference wetlands. 3) "Requiring performance" of replaced wetlands is defined as "to carry out similar or same ecological functions provided by natural wetlands", in overall. The detailed requiring performances are as follows; ·to play a role of wildlife habitats ·to have biological diversity ·to connect with other ecosystems ·to provide water environment to perform good ecological functions 4) The assessment factors for required performance are categorized by wildlife habitat function, biological diversity, connectivity of adjacent ecosystem, and water environment. Wildlife habitat category is consisted of wildlife habitat creation, size of replacement wetland, and site suitability. Biological diversity category contains the number of plant species, the number of wildlife species, and number of protected species as the sub-factors. Connectivity of adjacent ecosystem is comprised of wildlife corridor, green network and distance from other ecosystem. Finally, water environment make up with water quality, depth of water body, and shape of waterfront. 5) Finally, every assessment factors were verified and weighted by the AHP methods and the final standards were proposed. The weights of factors of requiring performance suggested as habitat (0.280), connectivity (0.261), diversity (0.260), hydraulic environment (0.199). And those of detailed sub-factors are site suitability (0.118), protected species (0.096), distance to neighbor ecosystem (0.093), habitat creating (0.091), green corridor (0.090) etc.