2018 남북정상회담과 비핵평화 프로세스

고유환 ( Yu-hwan Koh ) 한국정치평론학회 2018 정치와 평론 Vol.22 No.-

Moon Jae-in's Policy on the Korean Peninsula is comprehensive policy led by Korea to realize 'peace' and 'prosperity' on the Korean Peninsula. Peaceful Korean Peninsula is a peninsula free from the threat of nuclear weapons and war. President Moon Jae-in and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un held the third-ever inter-Korean summit south of the Military Demarcation Line at the border truce village of Panmunjom. In the so-called Panmunjom Declaration, the leaders of the two Koreas reaffirmed their commitment to the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula and agreed to work toward a formal end of the Korean War within this year. The leaders also pledging to halt all hostile acts, including military provocations, against each other. South Korean Government will peacefully resolve the North Korean nuclear issue, using comprehensive approach of sanctions/pressure and dialogue. While solving the nuclear issue, South Korean Government will seek to fundamentally eliminate the security threats by establishing improvement in relations between North Korea and the international community.

북한의 3차 핵실험 이후 위협인식과 대응에 관한 행위자-네트워크

고유환 ( Yu Hwan Koh ) 북한연구학회 2013 北韓硏究學會報 Vol.17 No.2

This paper analyses how threat perceptions and responses have been changed after North Korea`s third nuclear test based on Actor-Network Theory. The strategic landscape in Northeast Asia is currently shifting in a significant way. The North Korean nuclear issue has reached a serious stage and calls for collective efforts and wisdom. The main features of actor-network is that after North Korea`s third nuclear test, first, North Korea intends to have peace negotiations about nuclear disarmament with United States. It means that the relations between main actors have been shifted from multilateral negotiations in Korean Peninsula to North Korea-United States bilateral negotiations. Second, cooperations among Korea, United States, and Japan has been weakened, whereas cooperate network among Korea, United States, and China has been reinforced. Third, United States and China agreed to work together to resolve the North Korean nuclear weapons issue. Finally, North Korea`s third nuclear test influences North and South Korea`s domestic politics, reinforces the division system in the Korean Peninsula, and shifts landscape in Northeast Asia. North Korea`s third nuclear test produces fundamental changes in the division system in the Korean Peninsula, and various actor-networks.

북한의 「 우리 식 사회주의 」 와 김정일체제의 정책전망 ; 김정일체제의 위기 「 우리 식 사회주의 」 의 진로

고유환 (Yu Hwan Koh) 동국대학교 북한학연구소 1994 安保硏究 Vol.- No.24

N/A

북한의 권력구조 개편과 김정일정권의 발전전략

고유환(Koh Yu-Hwan) 한국국제정치학회 1999 國際政治論叢 Vol.38 No.3

북한의 핵보유 선언과 9,19 공동성명 평가와 과제

고유환 ( Yu Hwan Koh ) 동국대학교 북한학연구소 2005 북한학연구 Vol.1 No.1

North Korea`s nuclear declaration and refusal to participate in the six-party talks, both of which were announced in a statement issued by its foreign ministry on February 10, 2005, served to escalate tension on the peninsula. After a three-year-long standoff, a basic framework has finally been formulated to resolve the North Korean nuclear crisis, which emerged in October 2002 when U.S. officials made known their suspicion that North Korea was secretly developing highly enriched uranium for nuclear weapons. The joint statement, which was agreed to by the parties on September 19, 2005, during the second phase of the fourth round of the six-party talks, outlines a structure and principles for moving forward with resolving the North Korean nuclear issue, as well as a process for pursuing a peace system on the Korean peninsula and multilateral security cooperation in Northeast Asia, thereby laying a foundation for dismantlement of the Cold War structure throughout the region. This joint statement can be perceived as a willingness of the six?party talks participants to pursue a new peace process for the Korean peninsula that would replace the Geneva Agreed Framework signed by North Korea and the United States in October 1994. A peaceful resolution of the North Korean nuclear issue will require a diplomatic approach under which the United States agrees to provide the North with another opportunity to transform itself into a normal country. Once North Korea receives a security guarantee from the United States, there is a very real possibility that it will agree to abandon its nuclear weapons and implement reforms and a policy of full-fledged openness. The United States and the international community will have to provide North Korea with another opportunity to become a member of the international community; however, it is imperative for North Korea to not pass up this chance.

한반도 통일을 위한 남북협력 -6,15 이후 협력과 갈등을 중심으로-

고유환 ( Yu Hwan Koh ) 동국대학교 북한학연구소 2010 북한학연구 Vol.6 No.1

6·15 South-North Joint declaration is kind of ``political announcement`` for changing from antagonistic to reconciliation relationship between two Koreas, Declaration requires institutional changes to change the paradigm, However, it is hard to change as identity conflicts and inertial force of the Cold War, President of Lee Myoung-bak has not carry out the performance of Joint Declaration and 10.4 Summit-Level Conference since 2008. Moreover, North Korea`s aggressive policy toward South Korea and America has strengthen the conflict situation in Korean Peninsular. It caused the military conflict between South-North Korea and China-America in Northeast Asia. Two Koreas relationship return to the Cold War paradigm. To win-win two Koreas and to adopt pragmatic line of North Korean Policy, the current government succeed to the 10 years previous government`s North Korean Policy critically, Self-righteous posture is the Cold War System Paradigm.

북한연구에 있어 일상생활연구방법의 가능성과 과제

고유환 ( Yu Hwan Koh ) 동국대학교 북한학연구소 2011 북한학연구 Vol.7 No.1

This article aims to review methodology on North Korean Studies, especially everyday life approach. North Korea under Kim Il-sung is a living example of totalitarian society. But totalitarian model approach is too static, narrow and substructurally insensitive to evolutionary changes in totalitarianism. Immanent approach had introduced as a new approach of North Korean studies in 1988, Immanent approach that presented in South Korea has made a false representation of its meanings and subject matters in terms of ``approach`` This article is to emphasize a study on everyday life as a new perspective of North Korean studies. The everyday life approach is based on the methodological self-reflection on the tendency of prevailing North Korean studies, which placed excessive emphasis on the leadership, ideology, and political system of North Korea.

김정일의 공식승계와 정책변화 전망

고유환 (Yu Hwan Koh) 북한연구학회 1997 북한연구학회보 Vol.1 No.1

N/A

이명박 정부 대북정책 평가와 차기 정부 대북정책 방향

고유환 ( Yu Hwan Koh ) 동국대학교 북한학연구소 2012 북한학연구 Vol.8 No.2

Since its inauguration in 2008, the Lee Myung-bak government has stuck to its tough policy that North Korea must give up its nuclear programs before any large-scale aid and inter-Korean cooperation can resume. But such “principled and flexible” policy toward Pyongyang has undergone ups and downs, and the frayed relations between the two divided Koreas have plunged to the lowest level in decades. After the Lee Myung-bak administration came to power and the shooting of a South Korean tourist at the Mount Kumgang resort, tensions escalated further between the two Koreas, even more so with the Cheonan`s sinking and Yeonpyeong Island shelling. Among the South Koreans, the animosity toward the North grew deeper and that led to the belief that unification would come soon. The incumbent government`s North Korea Policy has been under severe attack by South Korean progressives and opposition parties. They have lashed out at the government`s hard-line policy, saying it has caused inter-Korean relations to plummet back to Cold War levels. Furthermore the South Korean government hasn`t found a way to thaw the chilly relations, and instead resorts to harshly criticizing the North Korea. Now the situations surrounding the Korean Peninsula are expected to change swiftly with the rise of a new leadership in South Korea.

민족공동체 통일방안의 이행과정과 추진전략 재검토

고유환(Koh, Yu Hwan) 건국대학교 인문학연구원 2014 통일인문학 Vol.60 No.-

‘민족공동체 통일방안’은 1989년 9월 노태우 정부가 만들고, 1994년 8월 김영삼 정부가 보완하고 발전시킨 대한민국의 공식 통일방안이다. 민족공동체 통일방안을 입안할 당시와 지금의 통일 환경이 많이 변했다. 따라서 이 글에서는 민족공동체 통일방안이 만들어진 과정과 역대 정부의 이행과정을 평가하고, 통일방안을 업그레이드할 때 고려해야할 사항을 민족과 민족주의 문제, 남북합의 이행과 민족공동체 통일방안의 단계설정문제, 북핵문제 해결과 통일로드맵의 연계문제, 지역통합과 통일방안의 연계문제 등을 중심으로 살펴보고자 한다. 탈냉전과 글로벌리즘의 강화, 북한의 핵무기개발, 중국의 부상 등 통일환경의 변화로 민족공동체 통일방안 ‘3.0’을 모색할 단계에 이르렀다. 독일의 통일 경험에서 비춰보면 통일은 통일방안보다 통일전략의 일관성이 더 중요하다는 것을 알 수 있다. 민족공동체 통일방안의 보완을 계기로 추진전략을 여야 및 국민합의로 마련하고 정권교체와 관계없이 일관성 있는 대북?통일정책을 추진해야 할 것이다. ‘National Community Unification Formula’ is South Korea’s official unification plan that was drawn up by Roh Tae-woo Administration in 1989, improved and developed by Kim Young-sam administration in 1994. As the conditions for unification has drastically changed, this paper aims to review the implementation process and strategies of National Communication Unification Formula. Also, this paper focuses on four considerations when upgrading unification plans; problems of nation and Nationalism, implementation of inter-Korean agreements and setting stages for National Community Unification Formula, connecting resolution of North Korean nuclear issue with unification road map, and regional integration related to unification plan. It is time to seek for new version of National Community Unification Formula as unification environment has been changed due to post-cold war, globalism, North Korea’s nuclear weapons development, and rise of China. In the light of the German’s unification experience, it is clear that consistency of unification strategy is way more important than the plan itself. Also it is important to keep consistency of National Community Unification Formula regardless of change of government.