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高性俊 제주대학 1979 논문집 Vol.11 No.1
After the division of the country, not only the geography of Korea but also its people, the peaceful unification of the fatherland has been the supreme task of the Korean people. So they has continuously explored the best ways toward peaceful Unification. But above all, it's the most important that how well all of the Korean people understand and support the unification policy of the Republic of Korea, that is to say, the consciousness of unification and security of the Korean people. So it is very necessary to discuss the consciousness of the unification and security of all the Korean, even the number of Korean resident aboard. In case of Korean resident aboard, we cannot help paying a serious attention to Korean resident in Japan where 75% of Korean residents aboard live and subversive activities by Jo Chong Rhun, a pro-Pyongyang Korean residents' organization in Japan, expanded at first hand. Therefore this paper is designed to examine and analyze the consciousness of the national unification and security of Korean residents in Japan based on public opinion survey by question-aires. Respondents were selected at random among the Jejuans in Japan, all of them live in Tokyo or Osaka. The following questions were asked: (1) their views on the unification of Korean peninsula; (2) cognizance of possibility of a committment to war by North Korea; (3) Knowledge about the communist society of North Korea; (4) their views on the Japan. It is very hopeful that respondents in general had a relatively realistic point of view on the North Korea, but it's worth consideration in their views on the unification of the Korean peninsula resulted from the lack of understanding it. To summarize findings briefly, they are as follows: (1) In their views on the unification of the Korean peninsula that is Korean peoples' heart's desire, most of them pointed out that the impediments on the unification of the Korean peninsula is in North Korea communist group (32.3%) and dynamic relationship of powerful countries (26.9%), that is United States of America, Japan, China, Russia and etc.; (2) 66.9% of them showed their support to the unification policy of Republic of Korea; (3) Respondents tend to overlook the important role of U.S. 1.oops in Korea that restrain a new aggresive action by North Korea; (4) Almost every respondents hope to resume the stalemated inter-Korean dialogue but it is expressed as a serious problem that 34.6% of them thought Republic of Korea should be accept even a part of the North Korean proposal for a resumption of the dialogue; (5) 90.8% of respondents recognize the dangerous possibility of a committment to war by North Korea; (6) Understanding the .eat aspects of North Korean society, 84.1% of them depend upon Japanese Mass Com. as the main source of knowledge; (7) The number of respondents regard the focus of the Japan's policy toward the Korean peninsula is in its economic growth; (8) In the light of national security in Korea, their reliability on Japan seems to be very low; (9) At the mention of these opinion related to a standard of education, the higher they educated the more they are critical and negative in the actual-in the unification policy of Korea, the future prospect about the national unification and their life in Japan; (10) In connection to generation, the old generation has a proper consciousness of national unification & security than new generation does And as generations go by, this consciousness tends to be weakened. Accordingly, it is necessary to reappraise public relation about unification policy of Republic of Korea and to consider an epoch-making counterplan in order to realize our effort toward unification in Korean residents' society in Japan. But above all there's a matter calling for prior settlement, that is, as we had seen from their answer of questionaire, the betterment of legal position of Korean residents' in japan. By doing in that way, they can maintain their dignity as Korean and propel the unification and security policy of Korean, that is supreme task of their fatherland, with patriotism.
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北韓의 政治社會化(社會敎育)에 關한 硏究 : 「黨 機關紙」分析과 관련하여 Relating to an Analysis of the Rodong Shinmun
高性俊 제주대학 1980 논문집 Vol.12 No.2
+Some theorists of political socialization have pointed out basic assumptions : Among them, that citizens in different nations come to feel and behave differently toward their political leaders and structures, and that the various attitudes citizens have toward political life affect the ways in which the state operates. An examination of a communist state underscores the necessity of making an additional assumption whose history goes back to Rousseau that the way in which the polity is conceived by its founders and leaders affects the character of the citizenship role, and therefore the nature, goals, and contents of political socialization. There is a good deal of difference between the amount and type of citizen involvement expected in a consensus democracy, and that required in a totalitarian dictatorship ; there is an attendant difference in how carefully orchestrated are the efforts in these two types of systems to inculcate the norm of correct citizen behavior. Political socialization receives greater attention and concern in communist society than in liberal democratic society. This preoccupation, in which traditionally the party was the sole source and the citizen a passive recipient of political values and the norms, has in some ways been strengthened more and more in the north Korean political system. To the North Korean Marxists, the creation of the "New Communist Man" is a prerequisite of the building of the "New Socialist State" So they have depended on political socialization as legitimacy building and mass mobilization functions. Among agents of political socialization, they have utilized mass media as a strong political tool of building legitimacy and mobilizing the masses in revolution and construction. According to the content analysis of the Rodong Shinmun, the official party paper in North Korea, the articles and editorials idolize Kim Il-Sung and stress economic construction for the most part. This thesis attempts to trace and analyze political socialization in North Korea and describes its two functions. One, legitimacy-building ; the other, societal mobilization. By analyzing the "Rodong Shininun."-editorials, articles, and slogans-this paper represents an attempt to understand the role of mass media in the political socialization of the North Korean political system. This paper consists of three sections , (1) a brief discussion of the theoretical foundation for the political socialization in a communist state, (2) an analytical description of the function of political socialization-legitimacy building and the mass mobilization functions, (3) a descriptive analysis of the "Rodong Shinmun" as a powerful agent of political socialization in the North Korean political system.
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高性俊 건국대학교 1988 論文集 Vol.26 No.1
This paper briefly surveys the background and development of socialism in Latin America, and argues the future of socialism in Latin America. Eyen though most countries in Latin America were liberated from Spanish and Portuguese colonial government in the 1820's, the absolute culture and socio-economic institution of their colonial systems have been preserved. The characteristics of the socio-economic structure of Latin America formed liked this are hacienda, mono-culture economy, imbalance in income distribution, Catholic culture and bipolar social class, and all of them become the background of socialist movement which have been developed since the mid 19th century, with the problem of inequality doe to the processes of industrialization being posed. Socialist political movements emerged in Latin America in the mid-nineteenth century, primarily in southern South America where European immigration was high. These groups usually were composed of middle class intellectuals, had little success in winning the broad working class support and were divided into Marxist, anarchist, syndicalist and democratic approaches to socialism. In the 20th century, socialist parties were firmly established in some countries like Argentina and Chile, but in many instances they were firmly established in some countries like Argentina and Chile, but in many instances they were supressed by dictatorial governments. Democratic socialist parties lost support to other leftist reform that adopted in part the socialist program, including land reform, nationalization of foreign-owned enterprise and social welfarism. The establishments of Communist parties after World War I and radical "popular socialist" after World War II divided the socialist movement. A few communist parties of Latin America predated the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 in Russia, but most of them were created in the 1920's. Orthodox Latin communist parties joined the Communist International and were much Influenced by the doctrines and policies laid down by the Soviet Union, but communists tried to command power within the system by anticommunist policies of powerful rightist military influence and U.S. A. It was in 1959 when socialist revolution was succeeded by Fidel Castro in Cuba. Cuban revolution became the model of communist revolution in this area and encouraged communist movements. But it also brought about the division of communist movement by adding Cuban-type to the orthodox communist movement. In the 1970's, a wave of neomilitarism in Latin America drove most of communist parties Into the underground and they had little popular support in other nations. Only the Sandinista Revolution succeeded through guerrilla war in Nicaragua in 1979. Will the socialist revolution like those of Cuba and Nicaragua spread in Latin America ? It is doubtful that such revolution will happen in other nations because of the military influence and U.S. A. The march of democratization in Latin America will dissolve political, economic and social causes to promote communist penetration too. But when democratization may not progress successfully, radical socialist movement will raise its head strongly again.
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