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        추측을 나타내는 ‘-은가 보-, -은가비-, -은갑-’과 보조형용사 구문 ‘-을까 보-’의 발달

        고광모(Kwang-mo Ko) 사단법인 한국언어학회 2015 언어학 Vol.0 No.73

        This paper aims at explaining the developments of -unka po-, -unkapi- and -unkap- expressing conjecture and the auxiliary verb construction -ulkka po- in Korean. The po- in -unka po- and -ulkka po- is an auxiliary verb and follows the conjugation pattern of state verbs. It has been generally assumed that the auxiliary state verb po- was originally the action verb po- ‘see", which is transitive. However, this paper takes the position that only intransitive action verbs can change into state verbs. This paper explains that -unka po- has developed from -unka poy- (/poy/), which may be explained as a syntactic blending between the competing constructions -unka sipu- and -e poy-. The poy- in -unka poy- is the passive form of the action verb po- ‘see’ and is an intransitive action verb that means ‘be seen" or ‘appear". Of course, the development of -unka po- from -unka poy- is an instance of grammaticalization. The crucial step in this grammaticalization process was the change of poy- into a state verb. This change was undoubtedly accompanied by semantic abstraction. The change of poy->po- is explained as follows. As the result of the above-mentioned semantic abstraction speakers became unaware of the reason why the marked form poy- should be used and they replaced it with the unmarked form po-. Examples of similar replacement are not so rare in Korean. In some dialects -unka poy- became -unkapi- by a series of phonological changes. Further, in some dialects -unkapi- became -unkap- by syncope before consonant-initial endings. The shape of -unkap shows that the coalescence of -unka poy- has been completed. The auxiliary verb construction -ulkka po- is interpreted to have developed from -ulka poy-, which may have begun to be used under the analogical influence of -unka poy-. It is believed that the developmental process of -ulkka po- was parallel to that of -unka po-, and that -ulkka po- was originally used to express conjecture only. The various usages of -ulkka po- are interpreted to have been derived from expressing conjecture.

      • KCI등재

        중세 국어의 선어말어미 ‘-삽-’의 발달에 대하여

        고광모(Kwang-mo Ko) 사단법인 한국언어학회 2013 언어학 Vol.0 No.65

        This paper mainly aims at explaining the development of the pre-final inflectional suffix -sop- in Middle Korean. It will eventually report an extremely rare case of the second element of a compound verb becoming an inflectional suffix. The suffix -sop- appeared immediately after the verb stem and denoted respect for the person referred to by the noun in the verb phrase. Middle Korean had nilu- and solp- as the most basic speech verbs. Their lexical meaning was identical and the most general or unmarked. (They are equivalent to English say or tell.) In addition to the lexical meaning, solp- had the same honorific function as the suffix -sop-had. Thus, it has been generally assumed that the verb solp- in some context was grammaticalized to the suffix -sop-. But how the grammaticalization was implemented has not been explained yet. Korean has compound verbs composed of two near-synonymous verbs of which the second is semantically unmarked. To take an example of asyntactic one, yespwo- ‘to peep’ is composed of yes- ‘to peep’ and pwo- ‘to sec’. These observations lead to the interpretation that the above-mentioned type of asyntactic compound verbs existed among speech verbs in Old or early Middle Korean, and that the grammaticalization of solp- (or <SUP>*</SUP>sop-, see below) was implemented in asyntactic compound verbs composed of a speech verb plus solp- (or <SUP>*</SUP>sop-). In such a compound verb the lexical meaning of solp- is redundant while its honorific function is prominent. This paper is also concerned with the difference between the shapes of the verb solp- and the suffix -sop-. In my judgment, it is possible that the suffix -sop- changed from -<SUP>*</SUP>solp-, but it is also possible that the verb solp- changed from <SUP>*</SUP>sop-. The latter change *sop- > solp- is conceivable as contamination between the two basic speech verbs <SUP>*</SUP>sop- and nilu-.

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        ‘이시-/잇->있-, -어시-/-엇->-었-, -게시-/-겟->-겠-’의 변화

        고광모(Kwang-mo Ko) 사단법인 한국언어학회 2009 언어학 Vol.0 No.53

        The purpose of this paper is to explain the changes isi-/is->iss- (to exist), -eosi-/-eos->-eoss- (past-tense ending), and -gesi-/-ges->-gess- (presumptive ending) in Korean. The change isi-/is->iss- is in fact a chain of changes isi-/is->issi-/is->iss-. The change isi->issi- ([is?i-]) is understood to be the result of the analogical influence of its antonym eobs- ([?ps?-]). This change is a case of contamination. The change issi-/is->iss- can be interpreted as issi-/is->isseu-/is-, i.e., asi>eu. This eu, which appears only after consonant, is the initial vowel of some endings. Assuming that the eu belongs to the stem, we have innumerable stem alternations of the form XCeu-/XC-. The change issi-/is->isseu-/is- is explained as an analogical change motivated by the model of XCeu-/XC-. The change -eosi-/-eos->-eoss- occurred in accordance with the change isi-/is->iss- because -eosi-/-eos- and -eo#isi-/is- are synonymous in some contexts. The change -gesi-/-ges->-gess- was motivated by the change -eosi-/-eos->-eoss- because -gesi-/-ges- has close relation to -eosi-/-eos-.

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        주체높임을 나타내는 어미 ‘-(으)ㅂ시-’의 발달

        고광모(Kwang-mo Ko) 사단법인 한국언어학회 2016 언어학 Vol.0 No.76

        This paper aims to explain the development of the pre-final ending -(u)psi- indicating subject-honorification in Korean. The degree of honorificity of -(u)psi- is higher than that of another subject-honorific marker -(u)si-. It is believed that -(u)psi- is the descendant of Middle Korean {-sopsi-} (-zopsi-/-sopsi-/-copsi-), which I interpret to be a fused form of the two pre-final endings {-sop-} and {-usi-}. {-sop-} has three types of allomorphs -zop-/-zoW-~-sop-/-soW-~-cop-/-coW- and normal sequences of {-sop-} and {-usi-} are -zoWosi- (/zʌßʌsi/), -soWosi- and -coWosi-. {-sop-} denotes respectfor the person referred to by the noun in the verb phrase. According to the social relationship between the speaker, the hearer, the person referred to by the subject, and the person referred to by the noun in the verb phrase, there are four cases: one in which both {-sop-} and {-usi-} are necessary, one in which only {-sop-} is necessary, one in which only {-usi-} is necessary, and one in which neither {-sop-} nor {-usi-} is necessary. Speakers of Middle Korean had to make judgments instantaneously about which to choose among the four cases and may have often made errors. For example, they may have often produced pwo-zop-kwo instead of pwo-si-kwo by error. They may have often realized the error before completing pwo-zop-kwo and attempted to correct the error. In those cases pwo-zopsi-kwo may have often been produced. Hence came the fused form {-sopsi-}, I believe. The fused form {-sopsi-} created by error was reinterpreted as a form indicating higher honorificity than {-usi-} and thus it could survive. In Present-day Korean the descendant of {-sop-} is -p-/-sup- (postvocalic vs. postconsonantal allomorph) and so the expected descendant of {-sopsi-} is -psi-/-supsi-. However, the real one is -psi-/-upsi-, i.e. -(u)psi-. This situation is explained as follows. The expected descendant of the postconsonantal -sopsi-/-copsi- is -supsi-. But the former had already been replaced by -sowosi-/-cowosi- before the 17th century. The replacement is interpreted to be the effect of a dissimilatory force. Korean has a tendency to avoid two s sounds occurring in adjacent syllables, which is a fact that has emerged in this paper. The avoidance may be due to the feature [+strident] of s sound. Now -psi-/-upsi- should be regarded as the descendant of -opsi-/-sowosi-/-cowosi-. The overwhelming frequency of the postvocalic -opsi- made it extend its distribution to the postconsonantal position and -sowosi-/-cowosi- disappeared eventually. The initial vowel of -opsi- was deleted postvocalically and we have -psi-/-upsi- today.

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