벤처의 발견 - 잡시장에 새로운 패러다임을 세운다

강관식 벤처기업협회 2008 벤처다이제스트 Vol.124 No.-

2008년 12월 1일 '눈에 보이지 않는 일'을 사고파는 시장이 열린다. 기존 구인 구직의 개념이 아닌, 웹상에서 기업은 '일'단위로 인력을 모집하고, 구직자는 회사가 아닌 '일'을 선택하는 전자일감시장 이워크랜드(www.eworkland.co.kr)가 이달의 첫날 정식 오픈하였다. 유비쿼터스 환경을 바탕으로 시공간의 제약을 받지 않는 새로운 전자일감시장을 연 주인공은 시너지 프레임이라는 개발 프레임워크로 널리 알려진 강소벤처 아토정보기술(www.attoit.co.kr). 야심찬 서비스를 준비하고 누구보다 떨리는 가슴으로 올해의 마지막 달을 맞이하는 아토정보기술의 강관식 대표를 만나본다.

조선 후기 화원 회화의 변모와 규장각의 자비대령화원 제도

강관식 미술사학연구회 2002 美術史學報 Vol.- No.17

용주사 후불탱과 조선후기 궁중회화 - 대웅보전 <삼세여래체탱>의 작가와 시기, 양식 해석의 재검토

강관식 미술사학연구회 2008 美術史學報 Vol.- No.31

The study analyzed components of <Samseyeoraechetaeng(三世如來體幀)> of The Hall of Sakyamuni(大雄寶殿) in Yongjusa Temple(龍珠寺) through scientific actual survey as the potable x-ray fluorescence sequential spectrometeran and the infrared imaging system. As the results of infrared photographing conditions of its written prayer and basic drawing, the study could know accurately that it was the original work pictured in 1790, neither pictured again at the beginning of the 20th century nor colored again as the Western style of drawing at the beginning of the 20th century. The picture was started from February 19, 1790. However, the picture started pictured earnestly at The Hall of Sakyamuni from August 16, 1790 when The Hall of Sakyamuni was established and was completed on September 30, considering its size and its special back-painting technique. When the study considered various characteristics of its image, its strokes of the brush and its colors, the picture regarded drawing of monk-painter Sangyeom(尙謙) as its basic frame and made its basic composition and image by synthesizing images of various monk-painters and pictorial senses of court painters. When the study compared features of the finished painting with first basic drawing by photographing with infrared rays, monk-painters as Sanggyeom were responsible for basic drawing and court painters were responsible for coloring. Especially, the best portrait painter Lee Myeong-gi(李命基) colored the faces, hands and feet of Buddha and Bodhisattva, Ananda, Kassapa and Kim Hong-do(金弘道) colored clothes of Buddha and Bodhisattva, and painted Virupaksa and Virudhaka. Kim Deuk-sin(金得臣) painted less important characters behind the main image of Buddha for the most part. Monk-painters colored formalized and ceremonial parts as crowns, things with Buddha statue in hand and patterns for the most part. When the study considered that the style of western painting was used strongly in the whole aspect as applying strong shading to its face and white highlight to its creases, the pictorial innovation of <Samseyeoraechetaeng> that the great king Jeongjo(正祖) and court painters including Kim Hong-do and Lee Myeong-gi attempted in 1790 was a very pioneering and memorial performance preceding more than about 100 years.

謙齋 鄭敾의 仕宦 經歷과 哀歡

강관식 미술사학연구회 2007 美術史學報 Vol.- No.29

조선시대 초상화를 읽는 다섯 가지 코드

강관식 미술사학연구회 2012 美術史學報 Vol.- No.38

조선시대 초상화는 주인공의 사후 후손과 후학들에 의해 추모와 향사의 대상으로 봉안되어 제의적 의미가 중시되었지만, 초상화가 그려지고 소통되던 주인공의 생존 당시나 사후의 여러 맥락에서는 정치적이고 사회적이며 개인적인 성격의 중층적인 의미들이 다양하게 작용하며 파생적으로 부가되었다. 그리하여 조선시대 초상화는 제의적 의미와 정교적 의미, 수기적 의미, 비망적 의미, 주술적 의미 같은 다양한 맥락의 중층적인 의미가 복합적으로 담겨있었다. 조선의 성리학은 상장례와 제례에서 영정 사용하는 것을 불교적 속례로 보며 이단시했기 때문에 조선 초중기에는 고려시대 이래 발달했던 제의적 맥락의 초상화가 쇠퇴했다. 그리하여 여말선초의 불교적 전통 속에서 지속된 어진은 제향 의식이 국가 의례로 명문화되었지만, 주자가례에서는 영정을 제의의 대상으로 삼지 않고 오히려 제의적 의미를 부정하는 경향이 강했기 때문에 성리학자들은 영정을 원칙적으로 제의적 맥락보다 수기적 맥락에서 수용하는 경향이 많았다. 조선 초중기에 특히 발달한 공신상은 조선시대 초상화의 정교적 맥락을 잘 보여주는 대표적인 예이다. 공신상은 충을 핵심으로 하는 정교적 성격이 강해 정치적 위계질서와 권위가 잘 드러나는 정장 관복 차림으로 그려지고 전례성과 정교성이 매우 강조되었으며 조선시대 관복상의 전범으로 인식되었다. 그리고 조선후기에 국왕 중심의 새로운 정치적 환경 속에서 발달한 어진은 제의적 의미가 중시되었던 조선 초기의 어진과 달리 제작 과정이나 봉안 과정에 있어서 정교적 의미가 중시되었다. 성리학적 정치질서와 의례문화가 토착화된 조선 중후기에 특히 발달한 유학자상은 수기적 성격이 강해 주자가례에서 사대부의 기본적인 복장으로 규정된 심의와 복건 차림의 교의적 도상으로 그려지고 흑백 대비의 질박하고 근엄한 조형이 강조되었다. 또한 조선후기에는 성리학자들이 초상화를 널리 수용하자 일반 사인 관료들 사이에서도 자아 존재와 자아 현시를 위한 비망적 성격의 초상화가 많이 그려졌는데, 고관들은 화려하고 장엄한 관복상을 통해 정치적 성공을 현시하고, 일반 문인사대부들은 도포 같은 간소한 평상복을 통해 꾸밈없고 진솔한 인간적 모습을 선호하는 경향이 많았다. 그리고 문인화가들은 깊은 성찰과 높은 조형의식을 통해 미묘하고 다면적인 내적 정신세계를 뛰어나게 형상화한 개성적이고 예술적인 자화상을 중시했다. 설화적인 영웅들의 초상화는 근원적인 회화적 주술성으로 인해 민간의 무속 전통과 결합되어 주술적 신통력을 지닌 무신도처럼 숭배되기도 했다. 특히 조선후기 서울 부근의 관아와 민간에서 성행한 부군당에는 비극적 삶을 마감한 영웅의 초상화가 무신도로 수용되어 봉안되는 경향이 많았다. 이러한 유형의 초상화는 대개 일반적인 초상화의 범주나 특성을 넘어 주술성을 극대화시킨 관념적이고 상징적인 무신도의 범주로 전화되며 도상과 기법 등에 있어서 보편적이고 전형적인 특징을 공유하는 경향이 많았다. In Joseon(朝鮮, 1392-1910), portraits were asked to play a significant role in terms of ritualistic ceremony as they were enshrined for the descendents and younger students of the deceased in the portraits in order to have a medium to cherish their memories and with which to hold ritualistic services. They, however, were derivatively added under the diverse influences of multi-layered meanings of political, social, and personal nature in many different contexts during the existence of the models of portraits when they were painted and communicated or during the years after their passing away. Thus portraits of Joseon contained complex, multi-layered meanings of various contexts such as politics, self cultivation, aide-memoire usage,and incantation as well as ritualistic service. Sung-Confucianism of Joseon regarded the use of portrait scrolls during a mourning, funeral, and religious ceremony as a mundane Buddhist practice and heresy, which explains why the portraits in the context of ritualistic ceremony, which had developed since Goryeo(高麗, 918-1392), declined in early and middle Joseon. The use of the portrait of a king, whose tradition continued in Buddhist heritage from late Goryeo and early Joseon, was stipulated as a part of a national ritualistic ceremony. However, the Family Rites of Zhu Xi(朱子家禮) had a strong trend of denying the significance of the portrait scroll as an element of ritualistic ceremony let alone making it a component, which is why there was an overwhelming tendency among Sung-Confucianists to embrace the portrait scroll in the context of self cultivation rather than ritualistic ceremony in principle. Portraits of meritorious retainers, which were developed in particular in early and middle Joseon, are a good example of portraits' usage in the context of politics during Joseon. Portraits of meritorious retainers with a strong nature of politics usually depicted the models in an official uniform,which clearly displays the political hierarchical order and authority, put a great emphasis on the nature of ceremony and sophistication, and served as a standard for official uniforms throughout Joseon. Unlike the portraits of kings in early Joseon that emphasized their significance in ritualistic ceremony,the portraits of kings that developed in a new king-oriented political environment in late Joseon placed emphasis on the nature of politics in the making and enshrinement process. Portraits of Confucian scholars, which developed in particular in middle and late Joseon when the Sung-Confucian political order and ceremony culture were indigenized, had a strong nature to serve the purpose of self cultivation. The models were depicted as a doctrinal icon in Shimui(深衣)and Bokgeon(幅巾), which were parts of the basic attire for illustrious officials in the Family Rites of Zhu Xi, with simple and serious formativeness in black and white contrast highlighted. In late Joseon when Sung-Confucianists embraced portraits on a broad scale, general officials frequently had their portraits. Their portraits by nature served in aide-memoire usage as well as self-existence and self-revelation. High-rank officials had themselves painted in a gorgeous and solemn official uniform to show off their political success, while common literary and illustrious officials had themselves painted in simple everyday clothes like Dopo(道袍) according to their strong tendency of preferring honest, undecorated, and human aspects of themselves. Literary painters put much emphasis on distinctive and artistic self-portraits that embodied the mysterious and multi-faceted internal world of the mind beautifully through profound reflection and high formative sense. The intrinsic incantation nature of portraits combined with the folk shaman tradition had them worshiped like paintings of shaman gods with an occult power of incantation. Bugundangs(府君堂), in particular, which were in vogue among government offices and civil c...

특집 : 토론 및 논평

강관식,김문식,유홍준,안휘준 미술사와 시각문화학회 2004 미술사와 시각문화 Vol.3 No.-

명재(明齋) 윤증(尹拯) 초상의 제작 과정과 정치적 함의

강관식 미술사학연구회 2010 美術史學報 Vol.- No.34

Yunjeung(尹拯, 1629~1714) is one of the representative Neo-Confucianists (性理學者) in late 17th and early 18th century. He led a unique life as he never received any government post due to personal, ideational, and political suppression for his Neo-Confucian theory of faith and justice though the king granted him one as a prime minister. Most of the Neo-Confucianists in those days had their portrait drawn, but Yunjeung refused it strictly when his descendants and disciples tried to draw one of his. Thereby, his disciples and descendants disguised a painter named Byeonryang (卞良) as a Sien-pi(선비; 士大夫, gentleman) so that he could peek him to draw one. And he finished it at last after a lot of complications for three months from April till June, 1711. Neo-Confucianists from the early and middle of Joseon Dynasty did not have their portraits drawn for their Neo-Confucian ritual ideology whereas those in the middle and end of it had their portraits done aggressively for Neo-Confucian significance of self-discipline. However, Yunjeung did not have one drawn for the political suppression resulted from his Neo-Confucian theory of faith and justice based on his and his father’s extraordinary lives. However, Yunjeung’s descendants and disciples knew a portrait could be highly effective to unify families, academic schools, or political parties at that time when Sanrim (山林; famous Neo-Confucianists retired to hermitage in the mountain and forest) or Bungdang (朋黨; Faction) politics was developed and No-ron(老論; The Old Doctrine) and So-ron(少論; The Young Doctrine) were in severe confrontation. This is why they secretly drew his portrait despite his prohibition. The reason they drew his portrait in the summer of 1711 is that the situation was more vital and the political suppression on them was gotten rid of around that time as Yunjeung was appointed as a prime minster and both his father and grandfather were revered as ones, too. And in his portrait, he wears a simple and ordinary Dopo (道袍; clothes for the gentleman to wear in usual times) and Banggun (方巾; a square hat for the gentleman to wear in usual times) unlike other typical Neo-Confucianists of the time like Song Siyeol(宋時烈, 1607~1689) who is in Simui (深衣; a typical uniform for Neo-Confucianists) and Bokgun (幅巾; a typical hat for Neo-Confucianists) in this portrait following the example of Zhuzi (朱熹, 1130~1200). This is not just because he did normally wear Dopo and Banggun regarding himself as a jingsa (徵士; a gentleman without a government post though one has been granted by the king) but because he could not consider himself as one of the moralists or followers of Zhuzi like Song Siyeol or did not mean to call himself that since he was in severe conflict with Song personally, academically, or politically. In this sense, Yunjeung’s portrait can be considered as a crucial example which opens a new view to understanding of the characteristics and meanings of portraits in the middle and end of Joseon(朝鮮) Dynasty from a perspective of political context.

觀我齋 趙榮祏 畵學考(上)

강관식 국립중앙박물관 1989 미술자료 Vol.- No.44

觀我齋 趙榮祏 畵學考(下)

강관식 국립중앙박물관 1990 미술자료 Vol.- No.45

Cho Young-suk(1686-1761), whose penname was Kwanaje, was a high ranking literatiofficial who was also a renowned painter. Like many of his fellow literati-artists, Cho regarded the painting as a means of suggestion and held it in a close association with poetry and calligraphy. One difference, however, Cho had was that he had a unique view of genre painting based on realism and practical usefulness of paintings. Cho maintained that it is not sufficient to merely copy model paintings, but a painter must see the subject matter for himself to paint it realistically. Furthermore, he noted cognitive function and practical usefulness of the painting. In establishing his view on the genre painting, he added aesthetic function to these two. Superficially viewed, Cho may appear to have had double standards for the painting in general. His copies of model paintings and landscapes done in the technique of the Wu School of Chinese painting reflect his view that paintings should be suggestive and should include, the elements of poetry and calligraphy in harmony, while his genre paintings of life of the Chos n period people of all walks are regarded as a reflection of his realistic beliefs. Kim Hong-do(Tanwn) and Kim Tk-shin(Kngje) have inherited Cho's view on the genre painting, realizing the full blossoming of the Korean genre Painting in the second half of the 18th century. Cho's importance in Korea art history of the late Chosn period lies in that he was a harbinger of the Korean genre painting.

朝鮮後期 宮中 冊架圖 : 조선후기 '民畵' 개념의 새로운 이해를 위한 小考

강관식 국립중앙박물관 2001 미술자료 Vol.- No.66

In November 1783, the seventh year of his direct reign, King Jeongio(正祖, 1752-1776-1800) established the office of Jabidaereong-hwawon(差備待令 畵員, the painters-in-waiting) at Krujanggak(奎章閣, Royal Library), where was located in royal palace, Chargdeokguug(昌德官). Jabidaereong-hwawon refers to a group of painters specially selected by examination to take full charge of important drawing activities on royal order. Jeongjo regularly conducted the Nokchwijae(祿取才, salaried post selection system) examination to manage, support, and re-educate these outstanding court painters. The Nokchwijae examinations took place twelve times a year, requiring the Jabidnaereong- hwawon to suhmit their paintings on given topics, and those who scored the highest marks were rewarded with special additional salaries. Among the 8 categories of the Nokchwijae examination, Jeongjo included a new subject, Munbang(文房, scholar's items) and offered the topics of examination such as Chaekga(冊架) or Chaekgoeri(冊巨里) (the books and booksheves). Such topics of examination demonstrate that the pictures of the Chaekgoeri were not the folk paintings as commonly known, but rather were the court paintings promted by the institution of Jabidaereong- hwawon and Nokchwijae examination. Chaekgoeri paintings became popular among the upper class nobilities and richman when Dabogyeok(多寶格) furniture or Dabogyeok types of pictures were introduced in Joseon along with the Q'in g's scholarship, Bukhak(北學). At first it developed as paintings of books due to the strong confucian tradition during the early Jeongjo era, but by the end of the 18th century, the theme of books were marginalized as subject while decorative utensils and materials became more emphasized. Along with the changing atmosphere, the Munbang category of Nokchwijae no longer offered the Chaekgoeri topics, and the fabulous and moody topics of curios and scholarary utensils were increased reflecting the decorative tastes and styles. This study claims that we should re-examine the character of Chaekga or Chaekgoeri paintibgs that is widely understood as folk-oriented paintings. The Chaekgoeri topic of tIne Munbang categerr of Gyujanggak Jabidaereong-hwawon Nokchwijae is the realistic proof supplying the most essential and specific resources in fundamental reviewing of the character of Chaekgoeri paintings which was actually originated from the court. To some extend, the King and the high officials imposed their own upper class cultural aesthetics on the Jabidaereong painters by this examination system and it could influence folk trend of Chaekgoeri. Then we showd approach to the Chaekgoeri painting with a completely different view tram the generally accepted to concept until now.