政治參與의 類型과 發展

金麟坤(Kim In-gon),洪榮寰(Hong Young-hwan) 경북대학교 사회과학연구소 1982 社會科學 Vol.1 No.-

南北分斷의 經緯

金麟坤(In-Gon Kim) 한국정치학회 1985 한국정치학회보 Vol.19 No.-

選擧方法硏究

金麟坤(Kim In-Gon) 한국정치학회 1972 한국정치학회보 Vol.6 No.-

부들러(H. Budler)의 朝鮮中立化論

金麟坤(Kim In-gon),劉明喆(Yu Myung-cheol) 경북대학교 사회과학연구소 1986 社會科學硏究 Vol.2 No.-

政府形態의 類型

金麟坤(Kim In-Gon) 경북대학교 사회과학연구소 1983 社會科學 Vol.2 No.-

初期開化派의 形成過程과 民族意識

金麟坤(Kim In Gon),尹錞甲(Yun Soon Gap) 경북대학교 사회과학연구소 1985 社會科學硏究 Vol.1 No.-

新羅의 政治制度 硏究 (Ⅰ) : 和白會議·上大等·王·執事部에 關하여 On the Hwabaik Council, Sangdaedung, King and Jipsabu

金麟坤 慶北大學校 1974 論文集 Vol.18 No.-

Ⅰ. Introduction The kingdom of Silla started as a confederation of six tribes in Seurabul(徐羅伐) about the middle of the first century. It gradually annexed its neighboring tribes to extend its territory westward to the Nakdong riverside in the early part of the sixth century AD. In the middle of the seventh century after conquering the other two kingdoms existing at that time, Silla appeared as the first unified state on the Korea peninsula. The political system of Silla created and developed during this period is peculiar to the Silla political climate and fitted to the ethos and ecology of the Silla people. Silla began its cultural intercourse with China in the early part of the sixth century AD. However, the unique political system of Silla remained unchanged and indigenous to the Korean people and was held intact for some time. The study of political systems cannot be too much emphasized to those whose tasks are to investigate political phenomena and to contribute to political development; for political action of mankind which brings about political phenomena is acomplished mainly on the basis of political systems. Most Korean political scientists have laid stress on research in foreign politics and have neglected to study Korean peculiarities. Particularly, the study of the political system of Silla has been attempted only fragmentarily by several historians, and substantial study by political scientists has hardly been completed till now. A system can be compared with a living plant; it is difficult for a living plant to root firmly in a different soil, and naturally it cannot do its original function. Recently we have greatly suffered form bad influences of the over-imitation of foreign political systems. In introducing foreign systems or cultures, it is more desirable for the people to determine whether to adopt or reject and how to assimilate them on the basis of the political elimate and tradition of their won country. It is an important task for us to dig out and investigate our political systems which originated and developed in our peculiar environments in order to establish a good political system, suitable to present circumstances without imitations: this is the author's purpose of this thesis. Ⅱ. Obiect and Method The political system of Silla can be grouped into its central government, local government, and military system; its central government centered on the Hwabaik Council(和白會議), the Sangdaedung(上大等), the King(王), and the Jipsabu(執事部). Under them were 12 executive branches, and 112 offices. The core of these organizations were the Hwabaik Council, the Sangdaedung, the King, and the Jipsabu which had long traditions in the peculiar political system of Silla. Here, the object of the author's study will be the above four institutions which were the core as well as systems peculiar to Silla pollitical system. In this research the author's intention is to bring light on the structures and functions of these four institutions by analyzing related historical materials and monumental materials, and by re-examining the results of existing research papers. The major materials in this study are the Samguksagi(三國史記), Samgukyusa(三國遺事), Sueseo(隋書), the old Tamgseo(舊唐書), Tangseo(唐書), Samgukji(三國志), Weiji(魏志), and the Monuments of King Jinhung(眞興王碑). Among these materials the basic ones are the Samguksagi and the Samgukyusa. It is said that Silla history was edited in the sixth year of King Jinhung (AD 545), but it has not been handed down to the present. The Older History of the Three Kingdoms(舊三國史), edited in the early period of Koryo(AD 918~1010), has not been banded down to the present, except in fragments quoted in other books. The Samguksagi, edited in 1145 AD by Kim Busik, is the oldest Korean history book available now. The Samgukyusa was edited about 1280 AD by a monk, Ilyun, who collected many articles which had not been included in the Samguksagi, other controversial articles and some accounts concerning Buddhism. The oldest copies of the two books available now were published in the 7th year of King Joong Jong of the Yi Dynasty (AD 1512). In these two books there are many quotations from Chinese history books but the author put stress on the analysis of those historical materials peculiar to Silla. Some scholars, Japanese scholars in particular, have had the tendency to disbelieve all the historical materials before King Namul; they insist that the materials recorded in the two books do not concur with those in the ancient Japanese History Book(日本書紀), and Chinese history books and even the two books are not, they insist, in accordance with each other in some events. They insist furthermore that even in the Samguksagi some parts in "Bongi"(本紀), "Era-table,"(年表) "Ji(志)", and "Yuljun"(列傳) do not coincide with one other. However the author, believing those parts to be partial mistakes thinks that we should not accept negatively the rare historical records found in our country, so he will examine and analyze these records from a positive point of view. After analyzing and examining the above data and after re-examing other studies on the subject, the author has reached the following conclusions about the structures and function of the four institutions. Ⅲ. The Hwabaik Council The Hwabaik Council originated from the Joint Meeting of Six Tribes at the Alchun riverside in 57 BC, and lasted about 1,000 years until Silla was replaced by the Koryo Dynasty. The system was from a long tradition of family meetings in the era of the clan society. The Hwabaik Council succeeded later to the "Dobyungmasa Council"(都兵馬使會議) in Koryo and to the "Bibyunsa Council"(備邊司會議) later in the Yi Dynasty. The membership of the council changed with the times. In the early period of the establishment of Silla it consisted of the representatives from each tribe including the chiefs. After the 9th year of Yuri Nisagum (儒理尼師今九年, AD 32) the members of the council were those people at "Official Rank"(十七等官位). At some time before the 22nd year of King Jinhung(AD 561), the qualifications of membership for the council changed to "Daedung"(大等) instead of the people at "Official Rank". And at sometime before the reign of Queen Jinduk the members had to be"Daeshin"(大臣). From the above facts it can be deduced that the members of the council had changed from the chiefs and representatives of the Six Tribes to all the people at "Official Rank" to Daedung, later to Daeshin. It seems that the number of the members had been reduced. The functions of the council were to elect a new king, to impeach and dethrone the king when he misgoverned, to discuss and decide on national affairs, and to inspect the national administration. Therefore, the council is believed to have been the leading political institution in Silla. The members of modern parliaments are to approve bills before the bills become law, to deliberate on the budget and to supervise the executive branch. The council's function of deciding on national affairs can be compared with those of lawmaking and financial function in modern parliaments, and the function of inspecting the national administration with that of supervising the executive branch. In modern parliamentary government, the president is elected in the parliament, and the prime minister and the cabinet members need the consent of the parliament for advancement and keeping to their positions. In some aspects the fact that a new king was elected and sometimes impeached in the council can be compared with the fact that modern parliaments under the parliamentary governmental system are to elect the president and can demand the general resignation of the cabinet members through a resolution of no confidence in them. In these respects we can find some democratic elements in the Hwabaik Council which resemble modern parliaments. The principle of the Hwabaik Council was to decide on issues with unanimity after sufficient discussion of the matter. We do not think that with the unanimous decision-making rule the approval of a bill was very hard after sufficient discussion. Moreover, we think that it was quite fit and desirable to pass a bill with unanimity, prefaced by enough discussion; for the people would follow the bill voluntarily and the government would execute the decided items efficiently. It is also considered that in those days the rate of the inhabitants' homogeneity was relatively high and they had relatively enough time to dicuss an issue.

北韓 軍隊 및 軍事力 現況 硏究

金麟坤,朴昌鎭 慶北大學校 1992 論文集 Vol.52 No.-

The purpose of this study is to analyse the structure and Strength of North Korean Military forces and through which provide a theoretical basis for the improvement of relationship between South and North Korea. The study shows the following findings. (1) The North Korean military forces can be defined in various terms as Kim il-sung's forces, forces of the Labor Party, revolutionary forces, and the forces for economic development. However, the most significant feature of the North Korean military forces is that it is central to Kin Il-Sung's political and legal power. (2) The ultimate goal of the North Koran military forces lies in the communization of the whole Korean peninsula. (3) As manifested in the decree of the Labor Party, military forces are "armed forces of the Party", thus the Party exercises full control over the military forces. (4) Till the present time organization of the North Korean military forces are based on the conventional weapons system. The study concludes that the North Korean military forces are under the full control of Kim Il-Sung and its strength is on the increase.

現代 中國外交의 基本性格과 對韓半島政策

金麟坤,윤순갑 慶北大學校 1991 論文集 Vol.51 No.-

This thesis is aimed to analyze the current Chinese foreign policy to the Korean poninsula. The Chinese foreign policy has been formulated by the invariable factors and the variable factors. The invariable factors in the Chinese foreign policy are based on the traditional sinocentricism(中華思想》 and the communism, and the variable factors are based on the Chinese national interests for security and economy. The Red Chinese foreign policy to the Korean peninsula was mainly influenced by the variable factors: security factor and economic factor. And these factors were given different emphasis according to phases: 1) Revolutionary Age(1950's) 2) Antagonistic Age to the USSR(1960's~1970's) 3) Reformative Age(1980's) The Chinese dipiomatic aim in the Korean peninsula is not the destruction of the status quo, but the maintenance of the status quo. Consepuently, Chinese foreign policy to the Korean peninsula is the double-sided stategies: the maintenance strategy of the alliance with North Korea on the side of security and the interest-seeking strategy with South Korea on the side of the economy.

선거에 있어서의 득표율과 의석율간의 비례관계의 실태에 관한 연구(Ⅲ)

金麟坤 慶北大學校 1971 論文集 Vol.15 No.-

The difference between the percentage of votes received and that of parliamentary seats held by each political party is 1.81 percent on the average in the list system elections. The difference between them is 1.90 percent on the average in the single transferable vote elections. Thus, the difference between percentage of votes received and parliamentary seats held is 1.85 percent on the average in the proportional representation elections. As a whole, the differences between the percentage of votes received and that of parliamentary seats held by each political party are as follows: in the majority representation method the difference is 22.65percent; in the minority representation method the difference is 11.09 percent; and in the proportional representation method the difference is 1.85 percent on the average. In Conclusion, the proportional representation method is most conducive to truly democratic representation since the difference between the percentage of votes received and that of parliamentary seats held by each political party is the smallest under any obtainable electoral system.