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金錫俊 부산대학교 사회과학대학 1985 社會科學論叢 Vol.4 No.1
The purpose of this study is to analyze the class structure in Pusan City considering its rapid urbanization. In this study, the class structure in Pusan City is classified into three classes - capitalist, petty bourgeoisie, working class. Then, the proportion of each class and its change in class structure is presented by analysing census and economically active population data. The main findings of this study can be summarized as follows. First, the proportion of the capitalist in the class structure in Pusan City has gradually decreased since in 1966. The proportion of the petty bourgeoisie had fluctuated but has gradually increased ; that of the working class has decreased since in 1980. Second, working class occupies relatively large proportion in Pusan City compared with other cities in Korea. Furthermore, the proportion of the productive laborers in this working class is very large, while that of the salary-men is relatively small. Third, the proportion of urban petty bourgeoisie has increased absolutely and relatively since in 1980, even if the degree of increase in not very large. This interesting phenomenon is contrasted with the result of the other study. In this study, besides such a rough analysis of the class structure in Pusan city, explanations about the inner composition of each class, their socio-economic conditions and interrelations between classes/strata are attempted very tentatively. By the way, this study in itself cannot go beyond a preliminary approach, so it needs to be supplemented by more theoretical/empirical researches.
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김석준 부산대학교 사범대학 2000 교사교육연구 Vol.39 No.-
Japanese shipbuilding industry had experienced serious restructuring twice since 1970s. In these restructuring Japanese shipbuilding industry reduced about 50% of their production capacities and 30% of employees. These restructuring processes were driven forward mainly not by the owners or managers of shipbuilding industry but by government. Due to the rapid restructuring, Japanese shipbuilding industry could survive and maintain their competition power which was strongest in the world. Such rapid restructuring processes were possible because the reactions and resistances of trade union against restructuring were not so strong. The major trade union - Federation of Trade Union of Shipbuilding and Heavy Industry - accepted the restructuring programs which made by government and management without any serious resistances in the name of cooperation between labor and capital. Meanwhile the minor trade union - Confederation of trade Unions of Shipbuilding and Machine Industry - resisted vigorously against restructuring programs. They succeeded in protecting some members from cut-off, but their brilliant victories could not change the main stream of restructuring in shipbuilding industry. In the circumstance that every company-based trade union had to react separately against restructuring, most of the large company-based trade union which was seized with cooperation-ism between labor and capital wanted to defend their members' job and interests exclusively. So cooperation and common-action among labors of different companies in shipbuilding industry could not achieved. The competitive power of Japanese shipbuilding industry will not be easily passed ahead in 2000s. But nowadays Korea and China are rising as powerful competitors. In this circumstance, Japanese shipbuilding industry will try to restructure their industry not in the direction of reduction of production capacities but in the direction of maximization of productivity and efficiency. This strategy of Japanese shipbuilding industry will impact seriously on Korean shipbuilding industry.
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金錫俊 한국정치학회 1988 한국정치학회보 Vol.22 No.1
한국의 정권변동에 따른 권위주의의 심화를 그동안 관료적 권위주의, 국가조합주의, 그리고 종속적 발전론 등과 같은 외국에서 행성된 이론들을 중심으로 논의하여 왔으며 이 과정에서 이들 이론의 적실성 문제가 크게 제기되었다. 이러한 기존의 논의를 바탕으로 이들 이론의 部分性과 靜態性을 극복하면서 한국사례의 특수성을 감안하여, 본 연구는 政權變化를 世界體制, 國家, 그리고 社會階級間의 相互活動을 중심으로 파악코자 한다. 이를 위해 먼저 제3세계발전과 강한 權威主義國家登場에 관련된 이론들을 검토하고, 이들의 한국적 적실성을 평가한 후 왜 새로운 政治經濟的 模型의 설정이 필요한가를 밝힌다. 이러한 이론적 검토와 적실성평가를 기초로 하여 한국의 정권변화를 설명코자 世界體制, 國家, 社會階級 등이 主要變數로 선정되고 이들간의 相互活動類型을 중심으로 國家形態가 규정된다. 이때 세변수들은 각각 변화의 경향성을 지니고 그 구체적인 내용들간의 결합유형에 따라 국가는 政治的 安保國家, 政治的 福祉國家, 新重商主義的 安保國家, 그리고 新重商主義的 福祉國家의 형태로 나타난다. 한국의 경우에는 世界國家體制의 主導下에 정치적 안보국가인 이승만정권이 등장하고, 사회세력이 중심이 되어 4ㆍ19 이후 장면정권이 채정치적 복지국가로 정착이 되지 못한채 5ㆍ16을 맞게 되면서 軍을 주축으로 한 安保指向의 國家官僚制의 주도하에 신중상주의적 안보국가인 박정희ㆍ전두환정권을 등장ㆍ유지 시켜왔다. 그러나 최근 民衆세력이 정치적으로 활성화되면서 신중상주의적 복지국가로의 변동을 추구하고 있다. 이러한 한국에서의 정권변화 추이는 초기 세계국가체제주도에서, 국가주도로, 그리고 최근 사회계급이 주도하는 새로운 국면으로 변화하고 있음을 이들 세변수의 자체운동법칙을 중심으로 밝힌다.
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