中朝关系的现实基础与前景展望

조립신(Zhao Li Xin)(赵立新) , 김창경(Kim Chang Gyeong)(金昌庆) 대한중국학회 2016 중국학 Vol.57 No.-

After DPRK s fourth nuclear test and the launch of the satellite, China and the United States stand on the opposite for the concrete measures of imposing sanctions on DPRK. Through repeated consultations, these two countries reached a limited “agreement” and the UN Security Council finally passed the resolution 2270 which expended sanctions against DPRK. The relations between China and DPRK raised concerns once again. As is known to all, China and DPRK established alliance relations in the form of treaty in the early 60s of last century. After the end of the cold war, the relationship between them began to fluctuate with ups and downs. And due to the continuous upgrading of the DPRK’s nuclear issue and the improvement of China-ROK relations, the China-DPRK alliance relations become “ambiguous”. In the future, under the circumstances of the game between superpowers is becoming increasingly fierce , the prospect of the unification of the Korean Peninsula is still not clear and DPRK’s nuclear program has not been stopped, China and DPRK should maintain the alliance relationship or turn to the normal state relations? The decisive factor depends on the nature of state interests and the essential requirement of geopolitical competition. China-DPRK ambiguous alliance is still likely to continue. 朝鲜第四次核试验并发射卫星后, 围绕进一步制裁朝鲜的具体措施问题, 中美立场凸显对立。经过反复磋商, 中美达成有限的“一致”, 安理会最终通过扩大制裁朝鲜的2270号决议, 中朝关系再度引发关注。众所周知, 中朝两国在上个世纪60年代初以条约形式确定了同盟关系。冷战结束后, 中朝关系出现波动和起伏。随着朝核问题的升级和中韩关系的提升, 中朝关系的现实基础受到冲击并呈现出“背离”倾向。面向未来, 在大国博弈日趋激烈、朝鲜半岛统一前景仍不明朗以及朝鲜核计划未见止步的情况下, 中朝之间是维持“同盟”关系?还是转向正常国家关系?决定性的因素取决于国家利益和地缘政治竞争的本质要求, 中朝“暧昧同盟”仍有可能延续下去。

中?人名的文化?涵及命名??

호재영(Hu Zai Ying,胡再影),김창경(Kim Chang Gyeong,金昌庆) 대한중국학회 2015 중국학 Vol.51 No.-

In China, a person's name usually implies many different meaning. It develops in tandem with the advancement of human civilization. This paper is devoted to analyze the cultural implication of Chinese names. It concentrates on finding the cultural factors that influence people' s naming process in different social and political settings. The paper provides some insight related to the naming conventions developed in recent years.

论李白《古风五十九首》中的海意象

황월명(Huang, Yue-Ming)(黄,玥,明),김창경(Kim, Chang-Gyeong)(金昌庆,) 대한중국학회 2020 중국학 Vol.73 No.-

李白笔下诗歌1054首,出现“海”字词汇有292次。其《古风五十九首》中有20首使用海意象。其诗歌中的海意象大多借海的外在物象与其内在情感意象想构建,展现“言在意外”之美。李白笔下的“海”有一部分是临海而作,有感而发,但大部分多“虚拟的海”,借助典故加以大胆的想象与夸张幻化出来的自己心中的海。或宣泄个人胸中之块垒,或是对人生际遇发出感慨,亦或是借典借神仙大海来表达自我情感。其笔下的大海的形象,正如其自己,诗人在描述海,表达海的同时,更像是在表达自我,抒发自我。在风格与创作的原则上,李白继承了《离骚》中的“自我”与《诗经》的“风雅”、“美刺”、及“现实”精神。此篇以《古风五十九首》为研究对象,分析其海意象的生成、组合和表达,透过诗人对海意象的构建分析其审美特色以及承载的诗人内在情感、内心世界。 The image of “Ocean” in Li Bai’s poems is mostly constructed from the external images of the ocean and his inner emotional images to show the beauty of “words beyond the meaning”. Some of Li Bai’s poems about “ocean” were written near the ocean based on his feeling, but most of them were about “virtual ocean”, which was the illusory ocean in his mind through bold imagination and exaggeration based on the allusions. Some of them expressed his depression or his perception about life, or expressed his feelings through allusions and the ocean of immortals. The image of the ocean in his works was just like himself. From this point of view, the image of the ocean is more like “materialized poet himself”. While describing and expressing the ocean, the poet was more like expressing himself. Li Bai sighed in his The 35th Ancient Style Poem that “Thinking of Emperor Wen of Zhou Dynasty in reading Taiga, and the influence of Song have collapsed for a long time. On the principle of style and creation, Li Bai inherited the “self” in Li Sao and the “elegance”, “beauty” and “reality” spirits of the Book of Songs. Therefore, this paper takes the text of Fifty-nine Ancient Style Poems as the subject, and starting from the “image of the ocean” involved in it, analyzes the poet’s inner feelings and inner mind through the “image of the ocean”.

跨越时空的启迪:“内向超越”的人生

황월명(Huang, Yue-Ming)(黄,玥,明),김창경(Kim, Chang-Kyong)(金昌庆,) 대한중국학회 2021 중국학 Vol.75 No.-

作为意识形态的诗歌创作,毫无例外要受到所处社会的政治、思想、哲学,文化等方面的制约和影响。这些影响是复杂且多方面的,既涉及诗人的世界观和人生态度,也影响他的文化心理及情感旨趣。王维自幼接受正统的儒家教育,少年时期学佛礼佛,体味大半人生后诗歌又逐步体现出道家的思想内核。综观其诗作,从不同的题材与创作的时代加以分析解读,可以看到当他作为“社会人”所关注的理想与现实发生冲撞的时候,其是用佛教与道教的“自然”与“本心”来进行消解的。从某种角度上看,从王维的身上我们可以充分地理解中国主流的文化精神,其关注对象逐渐由外至内,次第完成其从“社会人”到“自然人”再到关注自我“本心”这样一种“内向超越”的过程,这个过程,也是儒释道三者融合,形成“内向超越”型文化的过程。 As a kind of ideology, poetry creation is restrained and influenced by the political thought, philosophy, philosophy, culture and other aspects of the society where the poet lived without exception. These influences are complex and involve multiple aspects. They not only affect the poet s world outlook and life attitude, but also affect his cultural psychology and emotional purport. More importantly, they affect the poet s creation, and the social mindset and aesthetic trend in a specific era. Wang Wei is a man with rich knowledge, twists and turns, and ups and downs in his life. He received orthodox Confucian culture and education since his childhood, and learned Buddhism and paid respect for Buddha when he was young, winning him the title of Poem Buddha. In the second half of his life, his poems gradually began to embody the ideological core of Taoism. Wang Wei was a Confucian, paid respect for Buddha but he was not a monk. He followed the Taoism but he was not a Taoist. By looking at his poems and analyzing them from different themes and creation times, it can be see that when the ideal that he focused on as a “social person” collided with the reality, he dispelled such collision with the “nature” and “original aspiration” of Buddhism and Taoism. From a certain point of view, Wang Wei represented the mainstream cultural spirit of China. He focused on the objects gradually from the outside to the inside, and then completes the process of “introversion transformation” from “social person” to “natural person” and then to self “original aspiration”. This process was also the process of the integration of Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism and the formation of “introversion transformation” culture.

濟州道 牧草地에 發牲하는 雜草種

金吉雄(Kim, K. U.),金相鎬(S. H. Kim),金昌九(C. G. Kim),金鎭協(J. H. Kim),申東賢(D. H. Shin) 韓國雜草學會 1988 Weed&Turfgrass Science Vol.8 No.3

BCl₃/Ar 유도 결합 플라즈마 시스템에서 이온 에너지 분포에 따른 HfO₂ 박막의 식각

金瓘河(Gwan-Ha Kim),金徑兌(Kyoung-Tae Kim),金宗奎(Jong-Gyu Kim),禹鍾昌(Jong-Chang Woo),姜贊民(Chan Min Kang),金昌日(Chang-Il Kim) 대한전기학회 2007 전기학회논문지 Vol.56 No.2

In this work, we investigated etching characteristics of HfO₂ thin film and Si using inductive coupled plasma(ICP) system. The ion energy distribution functions in an ICP system was analyzed by quadrupole mass spectrometer(QMS) with an electrostatic ion energy analyzer. The maximum etch rate of HfO₂ thin film is 85.5 ㎚/min at a BCl₃/(BCl₃+Ar) of 20 % and decreased with further addition of BCl₃ gas. From the QMS measurements, the most dominant positive ion energy distributions(IEDs) showed a maximum at 20 % of BCl₃. These tendency was very similar to the etch characteristics. This result agreed with the universal energy dependency of ion enhanced chemical etching yields. And the maximum selectivity of HfO₂ over Si is 3.05 at a O₂ addition of 2 seem into the BCl₃/(BCl₃+Ar) of 20 % plasma.

The Anomuran Crabs (including Thalassinideans) of Cheju Island and its Adjacent Waters, Korea (Crustacea: Decapoda)

Kim, Hoon Soo(金熏洙),Kim, Chang Bae(金昌培) 한국동물분류학회 1987 Animal Systematics, Evolution and Diversity Vol.3 No.2

新羅 下代의 仁謙系 王權과 金崇斌

金昌謙(Kim, Chang-Kyum) 신라사학회 2004 新羅史學報 Vol.- No.1

乳酸菌에 依한 卵의 醱酵에 關한 硏究

金昌漢(Chang-Han Kim),河淨昱(Jung-Uk Ha),金時寬(Si-Goan Kim) 한국식품과학회 1983 한국식품과학회지 Vol.15 No.2

포항 중성리비의 ‘宮’과 상고기 신라의 地域支配

金昌錫(Kim, Changseok) 한국고대사학회 2019 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.96

포항 중성리비에 나오는 宮에 관해서 종래 다기한 이해가 제시되었다. 그 이유는 궁의 문제가 분쟁의 당사자가 누구이고 어떤 성격의 존재이기에 이처럼 다수의 인원이 동원되었고, 그 해결을 위해 복잡한 절차를 밟았는가 하는 분쟁의 본질 문제와 연결되어 있기 때문이다. 중성리비의 기록을 통해서 豆智沙干支宮과 日夫智宮이 牟旦伐喙의 作民을 빼앗아 분쟁이 일어났고 중앙의 고위층이 이를 환원하도록 판결하였으며, 패소한 두지사간지의 使人이 이 조치를 수용하는 구두 선언을 했고 이상의 과정을 典書가 문자로 기록했으며, 다시 이상의 전체 내용을 沙喙의 인물이 구두로 포고했음을 알 수 있다. 두지사간지궁과 일부지궁은 훼부 혹은 사훼부의 유력자인 두지사간지와 일부지가 소유한 궁을 가리킨다. 지역 정치체의 首長이 살던 居所가 그 원형이며, 궁은 점차 생산 활동에도 간여하게 되었다. 3세기 후반~5세기에 모단벌훼가 흥해 지역에 진출했다. 그 부장이 경주에 거처하면서 奈蘇毒只 등 5개 촌락에 사는 주민의 일부를 작민으로 사역했다. 이를 탈취한 두지사간지와 일부지의 궁 역시 중앙에 있으면서 果西牟利라는 대리인을 보내 생산을 감독했다. 왕권은 部 혹은 부의 유력자를 통해 지역에 대한 지배와 수취를 공유하는 한편 중심 촌락에 道使를 파견하여 직접 통치를 시도했다. 그럼에도 불구하고 촌락의 수장을 아직 村主化시키지 못했고, 이로 인해서 작민은 중앙의 宮과 현지 首長에게 兩屬되어 있었다. Various kinds of understanding were presented about Goong 宮 in Pohang Joongseong-li Stele. The reason is that the Goong problem is linked to the nature of the conflict in this Stele. The contents of the Stele show that the conflict took place by Dooji Saganji Goong 豆智沙干支宮 and Illbuji Goong’s 日夫智宮 taking away the labors 作民 of Modanbeolhwe 牟旦伐喙. A high-ranking members of the Capital decided to give it back, and a subject of the defeated made a verbal declaration accepting the verdict. The above process was written in letters by Jeonseo 典書, and again the person of Sahwe 沙喙 presented the whole story verbally. Dooji Saganji Goong and Illbuji Goong refer to the palace or mansion owned by them, the leading figures of the Hwe or Sahwe. The living quarter of whom was the chief of a polity was its prototype. Goong gradually became involved in production activities. In the second half of the 3rd. C. and 5th. C., Modanbeolhwe entered the region of Heunghae 興海. As the chief living in the Capital, he put some of the residents in 5 villages, including Nasodokji 奈蘇毒只 to work. Goongs of the 2 influentials were also in the Capital and sent a representative named Gwaseomori 果西牟利 to supervise the production. The Royal Authority shared control and receipt of the region through a powerful person of wealth and attempted direct rule by dispatching Dohsa 道使 to a central village. Nevertheless, the village’s heads had not yet been dominated, resulting in the labors being held in the hands of Goong and the local chief.