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김언식 전남사학회 2002 역사학연구 Vol.19 No.-
Why can't the Weimar Republic be set free from Extremismus, even if similar difficulties can be seen in other countries? The democratic midway seemed to have stronger power in England, U.S.A. and France. Therefore the theme which in the Weimar Republic the fact that Extremismus was strong does not matter, but the fact that democratic midway was feeble matters, can probably be presented. The total history of the Weimar Republic contained a broad stream of antidemocratic, antiparliamentary and antiliberal emotion. Among the backgrounds on which such emotion was generalized, hitorical burdens can be emphasized. Among them the virtues of compromise and mediation that were not almost found in german tradition, real burdens that were caused by compelled peace in 1918 and thereafter inflation and civil wars were contained. The most important basis for the success of left and right extremists was the economic and social difficulties. While stronger social safety net snatched the social basis of Extremismus since 1949, because of difficulties in social and economic areas the new order of the Weimar Republic could not attract attention. The extremists of the Weimar Republic were not yet blamed then. Still they seemed to have good conscience and pushed democracy to defensive position. The Weimar Republic permitted the most freedom and it caused more uneasiness at last. This uneasiness by the loss of orientation formed chief psychological basis of Extrmismus. What the circumstances of the Weimar Republic were described to be uneasy, namely the description that the fall of the Western would happen before long or the unhappiness would come, was the burden against democracy. Only the extremists seemed to be able to save Germany from bankruptcy At least they were promising certain social safety and dream of the future. Even if theories and ways of extremists were insincere and demagogical, the circumstances were favorable to them, As they undertook to solve contemporary difficulties for the happier future, they seemed to have good conscience. But democrats were pushed to the defensive position. The political culture of the Weimar Republic that was distant from democracy was bottom on which antidemocratic forces of Germany grew. The precept of the Weimar democracy can be shown from what the democracy that did not grow from historical tradition, threfore was different from the emotion of the people is uneasy.
김언식 광주교육대학교 초등교육연구소 2001 初等敎育硏究 Vol.15 No.2
Eine Antwort auf die Frage nach dem Begriff, und das heiβt zugleich : nach der Eigensta¨ndigkeit des aufgekla¨rten Absolutismus innerhalb der Geschichte der europa¨ischen Monarchie der Neuzeit konnte hier nur unter dem Vorbehalt versucht werden, daβ die fu¨r Friedrich den Groβen nachgewiesenen Zu¨ge sich bei den anderen Herrschern, die gewo¨nlich als aufgekla¨rt bezeichnet werden, wiederfinden. Wenn man den aufgekla¨rten Absolutismus als Typus versteht, der sich u¨ber einen la¨ngeren Zeitraum hin entwickelt hat, so entgeht man der miβlich Alternative, entweder seine Merkmale auf die Differenz zu reduzieren, die seine Vertreter von ihren Vorga¨ngern unterschied, order Begriff so auszudehnen, daβ Seine Bindung an den fu¨r Friedrich und sein Jahhundert so charakteristischen Vernunftglauben sich ga¨nzlich verflu¨chtigt. Vor allem aber la¨βt sich nach dieser Auffassung jedenfalls fu¨r Preuβen belegen, daβ der aufgekla¨te Absolutismus nicht nur ein Gedankengeba¨ude, sondern in groβ em Umfang Wirklichkeit war : der Zusammenhang von Sozialstruktur, Wirtschafts verfassung und Milita¨rsystem, der in den Hauptzu¨gen bereits von Friedrich Wilhelm I gestiffet worden war, ist aufgekla¨rter Absolutismus in der Praxis, auch wenn anzunehmen ist, daβ er in dieser Form noch nicht den Idealen Friedrichs entsprach. Schon zeigt sich, daβ in Preuβen nich nur mit Ru¨cksicht auf einzelne, gleichsam isolierbare Reformen im Sinne der Aufkla¨rungsphilosophie von aufekla¨rten Absolutismus gesprochen werden darf, sondern daβ sein Wesen in erster Linie darin bestand, daβ er den Staat und die historish u¨berkommenen Institutionen in ein zweckrationales System zu bringen suchte ; nur was der der Effizienz und Logik des Systems zuwiderlief, wurde abgebaut ; nur was sie befo¨rderte, wurde neu geschaffen. Dies war jedenfalls das Programm. Auf dem Gebiet der auswa¨rtigen Beziehungen erscheint die Erwerbung Westpreuβ Ens als ein Stu¨ck aufgekla¨rter Politik. Die Abschaffung der Tortur, der Toleranzgedanke, die Justizreform und das groβe Kodifikationswerk bleiben somit nicht die einzigen praktischen Errungenschaften dieses Regierungssystems. Aus vereizelten in die Zukunft weisenden Signalen aus einer im u¨brigen ru¨cksta¨ndigen Epoche werden sie in der hier entwickelten Sicht allerdings zu wichtigen Elementen eines durchaus in sich geschlossnen politischen Systems.
김언식,박유경,정성화,조익현 한국기상학회 2021 한국기상학회 학술대회 논문집 Vol.2021 No.10
한반도에는 중규모 대류계의 뇌우를 동반한 낙뢰가 발생하고, 이러한 낙뢰는 많은 피해를 주고 있으며 낙뢰의 발생 및 분포 특성에 대한 연구는 낙뢰 대응 및 현상 규명에 매우 중요하다. 기상청(KMA)은 1987년부터 낙뢰망을 운영하기 시작하여 2015년 KMA 낙뢰망 IMPACT 7개소, LDARII 17개소 시스템에서 현재 LINET(Lightning NETwork) 21개소 시스템으로 교체되었다. 본 연구에서는 2011년 부터 2020년까지 10년간 한반도의 월별, 연도별, 지역별 분포를 분석하였다. 특히 연간 및 10년 평균 빈도 분포 분석 경우 10년 평균 낙뢰 빈도는 2~6 hit/㎢, 최대 빈도 지역은 경기남부와 서해남부해상 이었으며, 육지에서 낙뢰의 연도별 빈도분포는 1~12 hit/㎢이었고, 10년 평균 강도와 연간 강도는 각각 10 120 kA/km2, 30 400 kA/㎢였다. 향후 10년간 계절별, 연도별 낙뢰 분포와 변화를 분석하여 한반도 낙뢰의 메커니즘과 현상을 규명할 필요가 있다.