독립국가연합의 언어 상황

허승철,붸. 유. 미할첸코 한국러시아문학회 1993 러시아 소비에트 문학 Vol.4 No.1

1994년 러시아연방 인구조사의 언어 자료 분석

허승철 서울대학교 러시아연구소 1998 러시아연구 Vol.8 No.2

The micro-population census of 1994 is the first full-scale nation-wide survey on population structure, economic situation and language since the breakup of the Soviet Union. The language data of this census has valuable information on the language situation of the Russian Federation. However, the publicized form of the language data does not represent the language situation properly and in detail. A statistical method, named "Speaker-composition analysis" provides us with a much more useful information and insight into hidden aspects of the language situation. This study provides basic data on the speaker composition of major nationalities and its change between 1989 and 1994. It also contains data on the language use of the urban and the rural population, at different social domains such as home, school and work places. The study shows that the linguistic assimilation among nationalities to the Russian language has been under way since the start of the new Russian federation. Another challenge to the maintenance of national languages comes from the fast spread of Western foreign languages, especially English, which has gained an ever more importance since the adoption of market economy system. One can speculate from this that the language situation of the Russian Federation would change to the Russian-national-English multilingualim or the Russian-English bilingualism. In this respect, surveys on language in the future should contain data on the influence of foreign languages.

소련의 언어정책과 언어민족주의

허승철 한국러시아문학회 1992 러시아 소비에트 문학 Vol.3 No.1

우크라이나 고려인 문제 해결 과정 분석: 2006-2009년 법적지위 회복 과정을 중심으로

허승철 한국러시아문학회 2022 러시아어문학 연구논집 Vol.76 No.-

While 13,000 ethnic Koreans as Ukrianian citizens live in Ukraine, 10,000-20,000 Koreans live there as illegal residents. Most of them moved from Central Asian countries, including Uzbekistan and Tajikistan as so-called “sezonnik(seasonal labor migrants)”. After the collapse of the Soviet Union most of them continued to live in Ukraine without obtaining either Ukrainian or home country citizenship. As illegal residents these Koreans live like refugees without legal protection and social security benefits. The Korean Embassy in Ukraine conducted a social survey on the scope and the condition of illegal Korean residents in Ukraine in 2006. With the result of this survey, the Korean Embassy created a program to render support and legal assistance to stabilize the legal status of these illegal ethnic Koreans. It created a special committee with the Ukrainian government to solve problems related to illegal Korean residents. As the result of these coordinated efforts, in three years 324 Koreans obtained citizenship or green card of Ukraine or Uzbekistan, and some 600 Koreans registered as temporary resident. Although the special committee ceased to work in 2010, the process to stabilize the legal status of Koreans in Ukraine continued. So far some 1,000 Koreans have obtained either citizenship or green card. Support for Koreans living in Ukraine has been extended to economic life and education for their children. In 2009 the National Assembly of Korea passed a law for the stabilization of the legal status and stable settlement of Koreans living in the region of the former Soviet Union. The case of stabilizing the legal status of Koreans in Ukraine can be adopted as a model to solve problems of Koreans residing in countries of the former Soviet Union.

구소련 지역 한인의 언어 동화와 이중언어 사용에 대한 사회언어학적 연구 : 1959, 1970, 1979, 1989년 인구센서스 언어 자료 분석

허승철 在外韓人學會 1996 在外韓人硏究 Vol.6 No.1

우크라이나의 EU 가입 추진 과정 분석과 평가

허승철 한국러시아문학회 2016 러시아어문학 연구논집 Vol.55 No.-

Since the national independence in 1991 Ukraine has sought to approach EU to become a full member of EU. However, due to internal upheaval and national discords concerning the membership of EU, Ukraine has encountered much obstacle in the road to EU. Internally, the alternation of pro-European and pro-Russian regimes has blocked establishing a consistent policy towards EU, and international situation, especially EU`s `expansion fatigue` and Russia`s pressure to prevent Ukraine`s EU membership, has made it difficult for Ukraine to become a member of EU. After the collapse of Yanukovich regime, triggered by refusing to sign the Association Agreement in November 2013, the new government of Ukraine announced EU membership as one of the key foreign policy goals. Public support for EU membership in Ukraine has also increased remarkably after the so-called `Ukrainian crisis`. Ukraine signed with EU the political Association Agreement in March 2014 and the economic Association Agreement in June 2014, but postponed the formal enactment of economic Agreement until January 2016 under Russia`s pressure to start sanctions on the import of Ukrainian goods. Although a long-term perspective for EU-Ukraine economic integration not only offsets the loss in free trade with Russia, but also brings about more benefits for Ukraine, it is not an easy task for Ukraine to overcome current economic hardship. Recent developments in Europe, such as Dutch referendum against the Association Agreement with Ukraine, the so-called Brexit, Russia-Turkey rapprochement, IS terrorism and refugee problems, also make it difficult to predict the future of EU-Ukraine relations and the European integration itself. As long as Russia holds various means to undermine Ukraine`s efforts to join the EU, a hurried approach to EU is not recommendable for Ukraine. It is desirable for Ukraine to maintain the current relations with the EU at the Association Agreement level and to seek for a better chance to become a full member of EU. While Ukraine slows down the efforts to join NATO, it should concentrate its efforts to accomplish economic integration with EU. For the time being, this type of two-track approach, reminding the so-called `Finland model`, dividing political and military union with EU and economic integration, seems to be a best option for Ukraine.

수르직(Surzhyk) 연구 서설: 수르직의 정의, 성격, 유형론에 대한 비판적 접근

허승철 한국러시아문학회 2013 러시아어문학 연구논집 Vol.43 No.-

Surzhyk is defined as a mixed language of Ukrainian and Russian. Although surzhyk is widely spoken and casually observed in many places of Ukraine, it has not been treated as a serious topic for linguistic research and consequently has remained a poorly understood linguistic phenomenon by scholars. Although surzhyk has not attracted the attention of linguists for several reasons, it is an important research topic which can shed light on many aspects of language contact such as diglossia, code switching, code mixing, substratum interference and so on. Several definitions of surzhyk proposed by scholars show the complex nature of surzhyk. Surzhyk can be treated as fused lects with a certain set of linguistic norms, but at the same time it can be perceived as the aggregate of idiolects of individual surzhyk speakers. In Ukrainian language community surzhyk has generally played the role of low language while Russian and Ukrainian have play the role of high language during Soviet period and the era after the independence respectively. Bilaniuk proposed several types of surzhyk from the historical and sociological perspective. The sixth type of surzhyk called 'surzhyk of the younger generation after the independence' should be added, taking into consideration of the growing number of younger generation who learns the linguistic norms of Ukrainian at school, but acquires the speaking ability of Russian without seriously learning its grammatical structure. Flier's linguistic analysis of various aspects of language mixing and interference of both languages should be evaluated as the breakthrough study of surzhyk regardless of limited language data for analysis. Myers-Scotton's Matrix Language Model analysis, Auer's continiuum model and Muysken's typology of code mixing are also useful tool for sociolinuistic analysis of surzhyk. For the study of surzhyk in the future, it is important to collect various types of language data of surzhyk and create a surzhyk corpus. Since surzhyk has been formed in the context of historical, social and political changes which Ukraine has experienced, it is desirable to conduct interdisciplinary researches by scholars in several fields than by individual scholar with a monolithic approach. It is also important to have a balanced perspective that Russian and Ukrainian both could be matrix language and embedded language and the direction of linguistic influence and interference could be bi-directional. So far nobody has paid attention on surzhyk which can be used in the process of learning Ukrainian after learning Russian as foreign language and vice versa. The research on this topic also can shed light on the nature of surzhyk and language mixing which can take place when learning two foreign languages which are genetically closely related. Since Ukraine is a bilingual state and Ukrainian is in the process of establishing norms as the literary language, the phenomenon of surzhyk would not disappear in the near future. Surzhyk will remain an important research subject because it can influence the direction of linguistic change of Ukrainian and the spread of literary Ukrainian language and, at the same time, it is a valuable source for research data for sociolinguistic study and language education.

러시아와 벨라루스 국가통합 가능성 분석과 전망

허승철 한국러시아문학회 2019 러시아어문학 연구논집 Vol.65 No.-

2019 marks the 20th anniversary of the Russia-Belarus Union State Agreement. So far the integration of the both countries has been limited to practical areas such as customs control and trade, and the governments and peoples of both countries have not shown much interest in full-fledged national integration which could be called genuine confederation. Since late 2018, however, signs of a step-forward integration have appeared, and after the Putin-Lukashenko summit in Sochi on February 15th, serious speculations on full-fledged national integration have gained ground. In this paper, stimulating factors for the full-fledged integration of both countries and factors which work as barriers hindering the integration are analyzed. As stimulating factors, we can suggest high-level expectation of the Russian people after the annexation of Crimea, comparatively low opportunity cost, a breakthrough of current dead-lock domestic situation of Russia, territorial compensation for the hand-over of some of Kurile islands to Japan, leverage for the annexation of additional Ukrainian territory, and, as the most important factor, Putin's political step after the end of the fourth presidential term in 2024. As barriers to the full-fledged integration we can suggest additional economic burden for Russia, Belarus people's public opinion against the integration with Russia, security fear owing to the direct confrontation between NATO and Russia, and, finally, political and economic compensation for Lukashenko. In overall estimation, stimulating factors appear to be salient than barriers to integration. If a genuine confederation of Russia-Belarus is realized in the near future, security concerns of European countries, especially Poland, Baltic states and Scandinavian countries, are greatly increased and, at the same time, Eurasian geopolitics will be changed in a fundamental way. Russia's integration with Belarus will not necessarily bring about the expansion of Russia's power and national interests, when we consider the result of the annexation of Crimea. When we speculate on the possibility of Russia-Belarus confederation, Putin's next political step is an important factor on the short-term perspective, but geopolitical change and its consequency are much more important factors, which should be taken account of for the future of Russia and Belarus.

『호랑이 가죽을 두른 용사』러시아어 번역과 스탈린

허승철 한국러시아문학회 2018 러시아어문학 연구논집 Vol.61 No.-

< Knight in the Panther’s skin > written by Shota Rustaveli between the end of the 13th century and the beginning of the 14th century is considered not only as a glorious achievement of Georgian literature, but also one of the best middle age epics in world literature. Since Georgia was incorporated by Imperial Russia at the beginning of the 19th century, several attempts were made to translate this classic work to Russian, even in fragments. In 1933 a full Russian translation by poet Konstantin Balmont was published in Paris, and this work was also published in Russia in 1937 on the occasion of the 750^th anniversary of Shota Rustaveli. In the same year several translations such as by Tsagareli and by Petrenko were also published in Russia. However, many scholars consider Shalva Nutsubidze’s translation as the best and, at the same time, the most close to the original work. The fact that the work of this translation was made possible by Stalin’s active involvement and encouragement was not well known. In this article, the background and the scope of Stalin’s involvement were analyzed in view of literary politics and literary sociology against the backdrop of cultural conditions of that period. We could draw an inference on the background and the reasons of Stalin’s active involvement as purely patriotic national pride to overcome his weak political background as a Georgian. Literary aspirations in Stalin’s young years and the personal love for this work also played an important role. There is no reason to infer that Stalin wanted to show his talent and charisma as the Great leader even in the field of literature. Although Stalin took actions at many stages of the translation and the publication of Rustaveli’s work, he tried to make his trace unnoticed to the public. It is a paradoxical phenomenon that Stalin, who purged so many writers and artists during the 1930’s, saved Nutsubidze’s life and helped him complete one of the best translations of < The Knight in the Panther’s Skin >, and it is a very interesting literary episode, which could be added to his enigmatic personality and life.

2010년 우크라이나 대통령 선거 분석

허승철 한국러시아문학회 2010 러시아어문학 연구논집 Vol.34 No.-

The presidential election in Ukraine in 2010 has ended in the opposition leader Viktor Yanukovych's victory. Since the independence from the Soviet Union in 1991 Ukraine have held presidential elections five times. With only one exception in 1999, in all cases incumbent presidents lost the election to the opposition candidate. The tradition of peaceful regime changes in Ukraine is a rare political phenomenon in so-called newly independent states of Eurasia. Without doubt the peaceful power transition by democratic elections serves the proof of democratic political culture of Ukraine, which should be considered as a great achievement, considering a short history of the nation-building of Ukraine. In the first round of the presidential election Viktor Yanukovych ranked the first with 35.34% votes and Yulia Tymoshenko took the second place with 25.04% votes. Tyhypko, Yatseniuk and Yushchenko followed the two front runners, who go to the second round run-off by the election law. In the second round Yanukovych defeated Tymoshenko with the margin of some 3.5%. The result was the closest gap between the final candidates who competed in the second round. Yanukovych is the first president in the history who won the final round of the presidential election with less than 50% votes. This means that his mandate is too weak to govern the country effectively. If Yanukovych would pursue a radical pro-Russian policy, disregarding the subtle balance between the pro-Western and the pro-Russian voters' groups, his regime could swiftly face a strong opposition and, consequently, plunge into a political turmoil. The election in 2010 once again showed that Ukraine has a cleavage along the regional border line between the East-South region and the West-Center region. The two main reasons for Tymoshenko's defeat were the strong rivalry and irreconcilable antagonism between Yushchenko and Tymoshenko and the economic crisis which swept the country one year before the election. The apolitical mood of voters after the Orange Revolution, which failed to bring about much hoped political and social reforms, also contributed to the Yanukovych's easy victory, who opted for a negative strategy rather than proposing a positive policy measures to heal the country's illness. The strong rally of so-called new generation politicians shows that a considerable number of voters want to see the change of leadership of the country. It is highly possible that, in the next presidential election after five years, the main competitors in the rally for the national leadership might be new generation politicians and Tymoshenko. 2010년 우크라이나 대선은 야당 후보 야누코비치의 승리로 끝이 났다. 오렌지 혁명으로 대통령에 오른 유센코 대통령은 재임 도전에 실패하고, 오렌지 혁명 당시 정치적 동지였던 티모센코도 2차 선거에서 패배함으로써 친서방 외교 정책과 대내적 개혁을 내세운 오렌지 진영의 정치 실험도 막을 내리게 되었다. 선거의 결과에 가장 큰 영향을 준 요인은 유센코 정권 5년 내내 지속된 오렌지 세력의 내분과 2008년 말 시작된 경제 위기라고 볼 수 있다. 결선 후보자로 오른 티모센코는 1차 선거에서 유센코를 제압하는데는 성공했지만, 그를 너무 약화시켜 오렌지 지지 세력의 표를 많이 잃은 것이 패인으로 작용하였다. 유센코는 선거 후 연정 구성 참여에 대한 헛된 기대를 가지고, 티모센코보다는 야누코비치의 당선을 돕는 실책을 범해 오렌지 세력의 재집권을 가로막은 현직 대통령으로 기록에 남게 되었다. 또한 2008년 말 시작된 경제 위기는 티모센코의 패배를 부추기는 중요한 요인이 되었고, 경제 위기 속에서 총리직을 유지하며 경제 실정에 대한 책임을 떠안은 것은 티모센코의 전략적 실책임이 드러났다. 또한 외부적으로 보면 러시아가 오렌지 혁명에서의 실패를 거울삼아 한층 섬세해진 대선 전략을 지속적으로 펼친 반면, 미국은 오바마 정권 등장 이후 우크라이나에 대한 적극적 지원 정책을 펴지 않은 것도 선거 결과에 영향을 끼친 것으로 볼 수 있다. 2010년 우크라이나 대통령 선거에서 나타난 중요한 변화와 시사점은 다음과 같이 요약할 수 있다. 첫째, 1994년, 2004년 선거에 이어서 대선에서 다시 한 번 야당 후보가 당선됨으로써 정권 교체가 이루어졌고, 오렌지 혁명 때와 같은 사회적 혼란이나 소요가 없이 평화적으로 선거 절차와 정권 인수가 이루어짐으로써 우크라이나 정치 문화가 짧은 기간 안에 괄목할 수준으로 성장되었음을 보여주었다. 이는 여타 CIS권 국가의 정권 승계, 교체 과정과 비교하면 예외적으로 성숙된 정치 문화로 평가할 수 있고, 우크라이나의 정치 수준과 문화는 구소련권 국가들보다는 동유럽권 국가들에 더 근접한 것으로 볼 수 있다. 둘째, 국제사회가 큰 이견 없이 인정할 수 있는 공정한 선거 운동, 투표, 집계 과정을 보여줌으로써 선거 문화도 빠른 속도로 발전되어 성숙 단계에 도달하였음을 보여주었다. 셋째로, 독립 이후 지속된 동-서의 대립과 박빙의 균형적 세력 분포의 양상이 다시 반복되어, 지역적 정치 균열의 극복이 우크라이나가 앞으로 해결해야 할 가장 큰 과제임을 다시 한 번 확인하여 주었다. 그러나 이번 선거에서 지역적 분할 양상이 약화되고, 계층별 지지 분화 양상이 좀 더 선명해 진 것은 정치적 분열 극복의 가능성을 다소나마 보여준 긍정적 요인으로 평가할 수 있다. 넷째, 티키프코, 야쩨뉵 같은 신세대 정치인의 빠른 부상과 선전은 세대 교체론이라는 새로운 정치적 바람의 시작과 3두 정치인 시대의 마감을 보여준다. 다섯째로 대외적으로 친서방 일변도의 정책을 취한 오렌지 정권이 단임으로 일단 끝남으로써 우크라이나의 대외 노선은 친서방-친러시아 정책 사이의 작용-반작용적인 공방과 견제가 상당 기간 계속될 것이고, 대외 정책을 둘러싼 국론 통일은 단기간 안에 이루어지기 어려울 것으로 예상할 수 있다. 2010년 대선의 승자는 야누코비치이지만 선거 결과의 여러 양상을 주의 깊게 관찰하면 그가 안정적인 정권 운영을 보장하 ...