논문(論文) : 대덕(戴德)의 『상복변제(喪服變除)』와 전한후기(前漢後期) 예학(禮學)의 발전

홍승현 ( Seng Hyun Hong ) 중국사학회 2011 中國史硏究 Vol.73 No.-

This thesis aims to verify the content of "Sandfubianchu" compiled by Daide during the time of Xuandi, to ascertain what timely needs it reflected, and to clarify its significance in the history of ritual in former Han period. The Shiquge meetings that started to be held at the time of Xuandi were needed in order to ``authenticate`` the doctrines of Confucianism that could guarantee the legitimacy of the reign as the former Han period entered full scale into the era of Chinese Classics. In that sense, it is especially meaningful that the discussions on rituals were conducted in the meetings and they reached conclusions by royal edicts. Because it signifies that the rituals of the former Han period started to be recognized as concrete practical formality in the society beyond the royal boundary. If we look at "Shiqulilun" that contains the conclusion of the discussions on rituals during the subcommittee meetings where funeral costume manners are mainly found, the discussion at that time can be divided into two areas. One is a new interpretation of the regulations already set out in the book of Chinese Classics, and the other is the discussions on the rituals that do not appear in the book. In other words, the participants of the Shiquge meetings either re-interpreted the book of Chinese Classics, or set the new rules of conduct according to the change of the times. This proves that the rituals had secured their position as the rules of conduct in the whole society in the later days of the former Han period. Such needs of the time, on the other hand, produced the very first funeral costume book, and that is "Sandfubianchu" by Daide. The "Sandfubianchu" was not a book for an interpretation of the doctrines of Confucianism, but had the characteristics of a manual in which concrete guidelines for the funeral costume can be found. Therefore, the guidelines for funeral costume required at the time or the new guidelines in demand to meet the changes in social relations take up the majority of its content. Especially, a few rules are closely related to the national characteristics of the former Han period that was based on Qimin rule. This signifies rituals are the reflection of the reality of the time. Then, we also can find special content in "Sandfubianchu", and that is the rules for ritual costume on the part of emperor for his vassal. As is well known, among the regulations on ritual costumes in "Sandfu" of ``Yili``, the rules of ritual costume for the political relations were completely the rules for the vassal to serve the monarch. However, Daide described the rules for the emperor to put on ritual costume for the vassal. In other words, Daide prepared the emperor`s proper attire for his vassal to show that even if their positions were lower than his, as the executors of political actions that were equal to the emperor, they needed to receive proper political respect. And he also insisted that from the low grade official to the position of emperor, the same execution of the ritual had to be conducted, and he also emphasized the general adaptation of rituals. This shows that the rituals were used in order to dissipate the transcendental authority of the emperor and on the other hand, were developed into the structure of moral hierarchy of the social members and the classification of the social standing.

『後漢書』「五行志」譯註 Ⅶ

홍승현(Hong, Seng Hyun) 중국고중세사학회 2021 중국고중세사연구 Vol.59 No.-

『宋書』「五行志」와 『搜神記』에 투영된 孫吳 인식 - 南朝化의 端緖 -

洪承賢(Hong, Seng Hyun) 중국고중세사학회 2021 중국고중세사연구 Vol.60 No.-

選擧와 後漢 士大夫의 自律性

洪承賢(Hong Seng-Hyun) 동양사학회 2004 東洋史學硏究 Vol.86 No.-

This article is prepared so that we would be relieved from the sight Later Han & Liu-chao(六朝)after the period of the Three Slates are discontinuous and understand the two periods to be continuous and consider how the autonomous and independent aspect of Shi-da-fu(士大夫) was built and developed in the inside. Later Han was the time when the discussion about disaster was more popular than any other period. So I analyzed Wu-xing-zhi of Hou-han-shu(『後漢書』, 「五行志」) to confirm the political consciousness of Shi-da-fu(士大夫) in Later Han. According to the result of analyzing Wu-xing-zhi of Hou-han-shu(『後漢書』, 「五行志」, I could see that Shi-da-fu(士大夫) at that time were against the political participation of the Empress Dowager and maternal relatives but regarded Fu-zheng(輔政)'s power as reasonable. That is because Shi-da-fu(士大夫) at that time were recognizing Fu-zheng(輔政) as an institutional system. But successive Fu-zheng(輔政) also became the object of criticism by Shi-da-fu(士大夫) because they managed elections improperly. Shi-da-fu(士大夫) in Later Han regarded a selection of talented people as the most important duty of a power holder. But Fu-zheng(輔政) neglected their duty of distinguished ability; moreover, they restricted the autonomous voting rights of regional officials by soliciting and limited the normal way of Shi-da-fu(士大夫) for going into government service. That caused Shi-da-fu(士大夫) to criticize Fe-zheng(輔政), As for Shi-da-fu(士大夫) in Later Han, the election was the only path to realize their existence as well as the way to maintain and reproduce their own independent world. So a group of Shi-da-fu(士大夫) in the end of Later Han understood the situation in which the essence of an election was damaged and elections were monopolized by specified people as the state of Bai-su-shang-feng(敗俗傷風). Then they insisted the need of Yi-feng-yi-su(移風易俗). According to the opinion of those Shi-da-fu(士大夫), all the problems of society were caused by improperness of elections, So the only solution they thought was to make elections function properly, that is, to make name and reality rightly accorded, like selecting the appropriate person for a position. Shi-da-fu(士大夫) in the course of making the independent world with the political consciousness and responsibility were confronted with another situation of election monopoly by eunuch in the end of Later Han in addition to Fu-zheng(輔政)'s. Contrary to Fu-zheng(輔政), eunuch, who didn't have any window to select the talented people mainly, chose their own children or guests, Shi-da-fu(士大夫) whose right was infringed couldn't help reacting severely. But the objection to eunuch means anti-power of the emperor at the point that the power exercise of eunuch is extension of the emperor power, Their severe reaction expressed their will that no matter how strong the emperor's power was, it couldn't destroy the society of Shi-da-fu(士大夫) arbitrarily. After all, Yi-feng-yi-su(移風易俗) Shi-da-fu(士大夫) mentioned means the removal of social morals destroying the autonomous order of themselves. In relation to the autonomy of Shi-da-fu(士大夫), another remarkable opinion in this period was the reinstatement of San-gong(三公), Shi-da-fu(士大夫) regarded the situation In which someone infringes the right of themselves like the appearance of the powerful courtier, the phenomenon an election was monopolized by maternal relative and eunuch as the result of the power loss of San-gong(三公). So they thought the power of San-gong(三公) had to be recovered to solve the successive problems. In conclusion, that indicates their intension that they would have the arbitrary exercise of the emperor power impossible organizationally. Then the political ideal of Shi-da-fu(士大夫) in Later Han would be that they made the structure whoever including the emperor couldn't exercise the power arbitrarily and administrated the whole country in the inside.

漢末魏初 士大夫 社會와 浮華

洪承賢(Hong Seng-hyun) 중국고중세사학회 2004 중국고중세사연구 Vol.12 No.-

With dictionary meaning, Fu-hua(浮華) is that it is biased to pretext and there's no substance, namely it says something splendid but its meaning is different in each time. If we see the Fu-hua(浮華) event occurring in Cao-cho(曹操) period, Wei-feng(魏諷) as well as Kong-rong(孔融) were commonly leading the group of Shi-da-fu(士大夫). These groups had their own order that is autonomous and independent. And this was opposed with the power of emperor. Like this, the point of Fu-hua (浮華) event in Cao-cho(曹操) period was that Shi-da-fu(士大夫) organized the party. Therefore if the emperor didn't exterminate the autonomous order of Shi-da-fu(士大夫), he couldn't establish the true power of emperor, so he purged them in the name of crime, Fu-hua(浮華). Fu-hua(浮華) in Ming-di(明帝) period is a good example that the company of Shi-da-fu(士大夫) was not permitted even if it didn't threat the power of emperor directly. Fu-hua(浮華) event in Ming-di(明帝) period was also that Shi-da-fu(士大夫) made the party. Contrary to Fu-hua(浮華) group of Cao-cho(曹操) period, these people was young ones from the first level family, it was not that their entering the government service was blocked in the central official world and they had a political oppression especially. Rather they were getting a reputation centering around the capital and the political tendency was also flattered to the system. But the exchange of Shi-da-fu(士大夫) finally began to have the political intention. And the political intention was necessarily conflicted with the emperor because it was based on the self-embodiment logic of Shi-da-fu(士大夫) independent from the power of emperor. Finally things that emperors intended to remove calling by Fu-hua(浮華) was Shi-da-fu(士大夫)'s originality and autonomy that they had realized after the end of late Han. Therefore the ultimate purpose of Cao-wei(曹魏) emperors who tried to get rid of the degenerate customs and make new morals was to exercise the emperor's exclusive power.

兩漢時期 月令類 저작의 편찬과 성격

洪承賢(Hong Seng-hyun) 중국고중세사학회 2010 중국고중세사연구 Vol.24 No.-

This study aims to prove that the demands of the times and the interests of the rulers in the books related to Monthly Ordinances existed continuously throughout the Han Dynasty (Former Han and Later Han), and also seeks to discover what kinds of needs of those times were reflected in the content of the books. The general belief is that, when Lushichunqiu(呂氏春秋) 'Shieryueji(十二月紀)' were compiled, the "Monthly Ordinances" had become complete, and from then on the ordinances began to settle. However, the analysis of four kinds of books related to Monthly Ordinances brought the conclusion that the monthly ordinances did not come after the 'Shieryueji', but as the necessity of rules relying on monthly ordinances had consistently come up, the books such as Liji(禮記) 'Yueling(月令)', Lushichunqiu 'Shieryueji' were compiled all about the same time at the end of the Former Han Dynasty. As the ancient Chinese society was based on agriculture, there often appeared timely agricultural guidelines in the books about emperors' rulings. But the guidelines mostly corresponded to general customs. Then when the Five Elements theory was becoming popular, there are records of governing rules controlled by those elements in the books related to Monthly Ordinances. However, until the beginning of the Han Dynasty, the Monthly Ordinances were not regarded as something that had to be followed as the norms of an emperor. But the changes show during the reign of Emperor Xuan(宣帝) of the Former Han Dynasty. Weixiang(魏相), who was one of the ministers at the time, insisted that the emperor had to follow the Four Seasons. As a result, relief measures for. the poor during drought seasons and awarding good deeds of officials were all carried out in March according to the guidelines of Monthly Ordinances. Subsequently, by the time of the Emperor Yuan(元帝) and Emperor Cheng(成帝), "Following the Four Seasons" became the role of an emperor. This trend of thinking continued in Later Han and by the time of Emperor Zhang(章帝) and Emperor An(安帝), the virtues of looking after the elderly and helping the poor, quoted in the 'Yueling', were practiced. Meanwhile, when we look at Houhanshu(後漢書) 'Liyizhi(禮儀志)', there is a clearly different point from the previous books related to Monthly Ordinances; We cannot find a farming calendar any more in those books, but only the systems for the emperors and officials in charge are emphasized, concentrating mostly on rites. This resulted from the expansion of autonomy in local governments. By that time, the central government could not control the whole vast area of the country with unified ruling guidelines, and it is believed that the central government hoped to secure power through rites and ceremonies. Then the local governors must have felt strongly the needs of regional Monthly Ordinances, and this was expressed in the Simiyueling(四民月令), a guideline for rulings based on Monthly Ordinances, specially written for regional governors.

『續漢書』 「五行志」 序의 구조와 劉昭注의 특징

洪承賢(Hong, Seng Hyun) 중국고중세사학회 2020 중국고중세사연구 Vol.55 No.-

『漢書』「禮樂志」의 구성과 성격 : 「禮志」부분의 분석을 중심으로

洪承賢(Hong Seng-Hyun) 중국고중세사학회 2007 중국고중세사연구 Vol.17 No.-

This article is prepared to examine the ritual theory of Bangu(班固) and use as the first step take a look of the figure of Confucianism State that he set up ideally by analyzing Hanshu Lilezhi(『漢書』「禮樂志」). First of all, the reason that I analyze Hanshu Lilezhi(『漢書』「禮樂志」) is because the ratio of "Lizhi(「禮志」)" of "Lilezhi(「禮樂志」)" is very little and moreover he describes as if the discussion for a reform of courteous system in Former Han dynasty was failed. Also the author, Ban GuCu(班固) was judging the courteous system as a different view from current scholars as he thought Liyue(禮樂) was not completed until the times he lived. So I wonder if the writing intention for "Lizhi(「禮志」)" of Ban Gu(班固) may be from other than to clarify the establishment of courteous system, the history of revision and to show the character of the ritual established in Former Han. This becomes clearer if we look at the attitude that he describes the revision requirement for courteous system of Jia Yi(賈誼), Dong Zhong-Shu(董仲舒), Wang Ji(王吉) and Liu Xiang(劉向) mentioned in "Lizhi(「禮志」)". Ban Gu(班固) is mainly describing the cause they insisted the reform and the fact their request was miscarried not the specific content of courteous system that they including JIa Yi(賈誼) insisted. As the common factor, he described the Suli(俗吏) basis government that Confucian was excluded, a maternal relation which made bureaucracy system incapacitated and the rampancy of a eunuch. Ultimately Ban Gu(班固) criticized the actuality that the dignity of Shidafu(士大夫) as a ruler and participation in government were not guaranteed. The reason was because he thought this structural order had not been formed until that times he lived. The enforcement of constitutional government in the times of Guangwu(光武) and Mingdi(明帝) may be one of reasons. Also the establishment of New Ritual(新禮) of Zhangdi(章帝) may have him feel keenly the need of truly courteous system. Therefore Ban Gu(班固) needed to insist contents and character of courteous system he was thinking. Composition of "Lizhi(「禮志」)" part that looks like an arrangement of failure stories of people not related may be an expression of Ban Gu(班固)'s effort to have state set up the establishment of this actual courteous system.

後漢代 墓碑의 성행과 建安十年 禁碑令의 반포

洪承賢(Hong, Seng hyun) 동양사학회 2013 東洋史學硏究 Vol.124 No.-

This study aims to analyze the characteristics of Tombstone Prohibition Order promulgated in Jian An 10 and the background reasons for the prevalence of tombstones in the Later Han Dynasty Period. Generally, tombstones represented burials with ceremonies including full honours and the order of tombstone prohibition was understood as prohibition of such kind of burials. However, as most of the tombstones had been put by many people, especially by followers or subordinates of the dead, not necessarily by direct descendents, it is somewhat difficult to regard all tombstones as an expression of such procedures. Especially, when the standardization process of components of tombstones is examined, it is evident that the people who put the tombstones had a very close connection with elections. In other words, the people who put the tombstones were keen on earning a reputation which would benefit them in the elections. Therefore, the Tombstone Prohibition Order of Cao Cao(曹操) can also be considered as aiming something more than just prohibition of erecting tombstones. Because erecting a tombstone itself had a connotation for political intention, the tombstone prohibition order cannot be regarded as simply stopping tombstones to be put. Cao Cao, by prohibiting the erection of tombstones, wanted not only to stop personal criticisms that happened at the tombstone erection ceremonies but also to prohibit any other political behavior of nobility that might have been happening in the unreachable area of power. Such tombstone prohibition order was passed down to Western Jin Dynasty that prohibited any private authority other than the central government. On the other hand, this series of situation needed an alternative in place of tombstones to commemorate and to show respect of the living towards the dead. That is how the underground epitaph has appeared in earnest in the society of China.

『사기(史記)』「락서(樂書)」와 『한서(漢書)』「예락지(禮樂志)」를 통해 본 한대(漢代) 제락(制樂)의 실상 -사마천(司馬遷)과 반고(班固)의 제락관(制樂觀)에 대한 분석을 겸(兼)하여-

홍승현 ( Seng Hyun Hong ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2007 동방학지 Vol.140 No.-