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      • KCI등재

        明治初期의 天皇制 이데올로기와 基督敎

        Park Jin woo(朴晋雨) 일본사학회 2002 일본역사연구 Vol.16 No.-

        This paper aims at understanding how the Meiji government tried to strengthen the national unity to overcome both internal and external crises by analyzing the relationship between the imperial ideology and Christianity. First, it will look at how Christianity was viewed by the Japanese under the early modern seclusion system. Second, it will trace how Christianity influenced the formation of the theory of kokutai and joi with the advent of the western capitalist powers in the late eighteenth century. Lastly, it will try to make clear how the imperial ideology was established during the transition from late Tokugawa to Meiji. Meiji government’s efforts to achieve national unity is closely related with its attitudes and responses to Christianity. Since Christianity represented the disorderliness created by the heretic religion throughout the Tokugawa period, it is very important to trace how Japanese attitude toward Christianity changed in the process of strengthening the national unity centered around the imperial ideology.

      • KCI등재

        天皇制이데올로기와 植民地朝鮮

        朴晋雨(Park, Jin-Woo) 한일민족문제학회 2012 한일민족문제연구 Vol.23 No.-

        本稿の目的は、天皇制イデオロギーと植民地朝鮮の關係を解明するための方法論的な手掛かりとして、最近までの植民地朝鮮と「植民地近代性」をめぐる硏究動向を檢討するところにある。日本內地で國民統合に中核的な役割と機能を果たした天皇制イデオロギーが植民地朝鮮でいかに擴張された行き、また朝鮮ではこれをいかに認識し、受け入れていたかを明らかにすることは、近代日本の植民地支配のイデオロギー的な特徵をより深層的に理解するためにも当然問われるべき問題であるといえるだろう。 本稿では、このような問題意識に基づいて、まず植民地支配での宗敎政策、敎育政策、そして皇民化政策のように思想史と關わる分野で天皇制イデオロギーの側面がいかに認識され、また硏究されて来たかを檢討し、次には最近活發に展開されている「植民地近代性」をめぐる議論のなかで天皇制イデオロギーと植民地朝鮮に關する問題がいかに認識されているか、あるいはいかに排除されているかを檢討した。結論的にいえば、植民地朝鮮と「植民地近代性」論をめぐる最近までの硏究動向のなかから、天皇制イデオロギーと植民地朝鮮の關係を總体的に捉えることができるようなビジョンは未だ提示されていないのが現狀である。現在としては、これまで蓄積されてきた植民地朝鮮での敎育政策、宗敎政策などに關する實証的な硏究成果と、「植民地近代性」に關する硏究方法論をめぐる議論を基にして、今後の課題と方法を設定する初期的な段階にあるということができるだろう。 The aim of this study is to examine the research trend on the recent colonized Chosun and ‘Colonial Modernity’, through which to get a methodological clue to elucidating the relationship between the Emperor system ideology and colonized Chosun. It might be helpful to understanding the ideological characteristic in modern Japan’s colonial rule to make clear how the Emperor system ideology, which did a core role and function in national unity in Japan, was expanded in colonized Chosun, and also how Chosun perceived and accepted it. This study is to examine how the aspect of the Emperor ideology system has been addressed in the research field on religious policy, and educational policy, etc. under the colonial rule based on such a critical mind. In addition, this study examined how the Emperor system ideology issue is perceived in the discussion about ‘Colonial Modernity’, which is briskly in progress. Conclusively, the present condition is that the vision is not offered, which makes it possible to concretely understand the relationship with the Emperor system ideology in the recent research trend on colonized Chosun and ‘Colonial Modernity’. At the present time, it can be said that the research on colonized Chosun and ‘Colonial Modernity’ stays at an early stage for setting up the researching method in the future on the basis of the empirical research performance on the religious policy and educational policy in colonized Chosun, which has been accumulated up to now, and the research methodology on ‘Colonial Modernity.’

      • KCI등재

        現代 韓日關係와 天皇制

        朴晋雨(Park, Jin-Woo) 한일민족문제학회 2008 한일민족문제연구 Vol.15 No.-

        一九八四年、全斗煥が韓国の大統領として最初に日本を公式訪問して以来、天皇の訪韓問題は日韓両国から繰り返して要請され、検討されてきた。このように、韓国の大統領が機会がある度に天皇の訪韓を要請する理由は何であろうか。また、日本の政府がこうした要請に応じて天皇の訪韓を積極的に検討する利用は何であろうか。そして、もしそれが実現すれば、それは実際に両国の関係にどういう影響を及ぼすのだろうか。この研究では、現代の日韓関係で天皇の存在が表面的に登場するようになる舞台が「皇室外交」から始まったという点に着目して、以上のような問題を「皇室外交」を中心とする両国関係の特徴のなかで考察してみた。具体的には、両国関係で「御言葉」という天皇の発言や訪韓の問題がどういう意味や役割を果たしており、またその問題点は何であるかを検討することである。結論的にいえば、「皇室外交」での天皇の植民地支配に対する「謝罪」発言や訪韓の議論は、両国の信頼関係の構築や天皇の「平和」への意志を強調することによって、天皇の「権威」を一層強化させる効果をもたらし、さらには天皇制と過去の侵略や支配の歴史のと間に断絶をはかることになり、決して日本の歴史認識を改善したり、戦争責任の真摯な解決をはかるための努力としてみることはできない。かえって、対外的な配慮や欺瞞としての「謝罪外交」や、これに対する日本の右派勢力の攻撃的なナショナリズムの噴出は、両国の間の歴史的な問題の解決をもっと難しくする要因として作用することにもなるだろう。両国の間の過去史の問題は天皇の訪韓とか「謝罪」発言として清算したり、封印できる性質の問題ではない。しかも、天皇の訪韓が実現したり、あるいは天皇の「謝罪」発言で過去の歴史が完全に終結したものとして見做してしまうなら、これ以上天皇制の侵略責任や戦争責任に対する議論もできなくなり、歴史的な事実は忘却の彼岸に消えてしまう恐れがある。したがって我々は天皇の訪韓や「謝罪」発言を要求する前に、まず過去史の問題を解決するための日本の真摯な姿勢や歴史認識を要求すべきであろう。 Since Chun Doohwan visited Japan in 1984 for the first time as a Korean President, the issue of the Japanese Emperor's visit to Korea has been considered and suggested many times in both countries. Why has the Korean government including the current administration occasionally talked about the Emperor's visit? And why has the Japanese government positively examined it responding to the call? What influence can we expect if the visit comes true? This paper deals with those problems, focusing 'the imperial family diplomacy' because the existence of the Emperor has always appeared in the context of the imperial family diplomacy in the modern history of Korea and Japan. To be more specific, I studied what meaning the words of the Emperor, 'the okotoba(お言葉)', and Emperor's visit have in reality and what kind of problems are there. In conclusion, the Emperor may apologize about the Japanese invasion and colonization of Korea and visit Korea but the purpose of those toward peace'. They do not mean to improve their historical consciousness or to resolve the responsibility of war. In fact, the 'apology diplomacy', used as false consideration and rhetoric for a neighbor country, might make the historical solution more difficult between two countries,combined with the possible aggressive nationalism of the right wings. The historical problems between Korea and Japan cannot be resolved by 'Emperor's apology' or his visit to Korea. It is more likely that if the apology and the visit are regarded as an end of history problems, we will have less possibilities to ask how much the Emperor system has been responsible for the invasion and the war. Without putting history into oblivion, we should demand the genuine repentance and the true historical consciousness.

      • KCI등재

        近代轉換期에 있어서 天皇像과 民衆 : 幕末維新期를 中心으로

        Park Jin woo(朴晋雨) 일본사학회 1995 일본역사연구 Vol.2 No.-

        This study aims to provide an overview on the process and characteristics of the formation and spread of emperor worship among the populace of modern Japan. In order to do that, it focuses on the image of emperor as an ideology in relation with the traditional folklore consciousness of the populace and the consciousness toward the outside world. Tunnoils in the late Tokugawa period strengthened popular desires for liberation and change. By and large, those desires increased expectations for imperial authority. However, the popular image of emperor rooted in folklore was radically different from that of the government.

      • KCI등재후보

        敗戰 直後 天皇制 存續과 在日朝鮮人

        朴晋雨(Park, Jin-Woo) 한일민족문제학회 2005 한일민족문제연구 Vol.8 No.-

        This paper explores the origin of discrimination against Koreans in Japan. It emphasized the Japanese consciousness and activities under the symbolic Emperor System after World War II. The Conclusion is that the emperor system helped the ordinary people's repressive attitude toward the minorities to be justified. As the Japanese nation reorganized as a racially homogeneous nation after the war, Japanese people easily accepted the logics of discrimination. The Japanese authorities desperately tried to continue the Emperor System in the negotiation with the U.S. because, through the emperor and the emperor system, they could evade the controversy on the emperor's war responsibility and could turn the Japanese grudge from the whole process of war and defeat toward the potential enemies living in Japan-Koreans. As a result of that, Koreans were put under the administrative oppression and the Japanese prejudice against them. In order to strengthen the unity of the Japanese nation and reorganize racially homogeneous Japan, in the center, there was the symbolic Emperor System acquitted from the war responsibility and endorsed by the new constitution. As they needed to exclude someone else from the Japanese nation, Koreans were victimized as the outcast 'others'.

      • KCI등재후보

        開港期 釜山에서 본 日本의 朝鮮認識

        朴晋雨(Park, Jin-Woo) 한일민족문제학회 2006 한일민족문제연구 Vol.11 No.-

        This paper investigates Japanese concept of Koreans as others through the economic activities and remarks by Japanese in Busan, which became an open port sins 1876 Kanghwado Treaty. Previous studied pointed out that most of the Japanese ruling class and intellectuals already had contempt for Koreans in the late Edo Period and the contempt and superiority swamped among ordinary people during the late 19th century and the beginning of 20th century. However, about the ordinary people's concept of Korea, most theories lacked concrete evidences. Therefore, in order to examine the actual examples, I reviewed the Japanese who lived in Busan since 1876 until 1910 and tried to clarify their concept of Koreans. The prototype of modern Japanese Orientalistic view of Korea formed during Edo Period, based on Jingu's myth of conquering 'Samhan(three kingdoms which existed in the Korean ancient period)' and Toyotomi Hideyoshi's invasion of Korea. But they needed civilization ideology in order to unify people as the modern nation state. They confirmed the superiority over Koreans by witnessing the reality of Busan and they stigmatized Koreans as barbarous, with the viewpoint of civilization. Those concepts encouraged Japanese to act atrocity in Korea. Particularly, in Busan, as the earliest open port, there was being created a asymmetric colonial order of rights, even before the annexation of Korea by Japanese and it became the Japanese territory. Nowadays, the serious effect of Japanese influence in Busan remains as remnants of the colonial rule in all around the city.

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