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On Agreement in Small Clauses in English and Its Acquisition
Hong-ki Sohng 한국영어교육연구학회 2007 영어교육연구 Vol.- No.35
This paper aims to provide an analysis of the long-discussed agreement phenomena in small clauses in English, and attempts to give an answer to an issue on how Korean speakers learning English can acquire the agreement phenomena in small clauses in English in their learning stages. Based on the constituency of small clauses as TP, this paper shows that agreement both in small clauses and in copula verb constructions is nicely explained under extended Agree put forth in this paper. This paper suggests that, in order to facilitate their acquisition of agreement in small clauses in English, Korean students learning English need to study such Korean sentences as (28) with overt Case agreement and English sentences like (26), which will give them internalized knowledge of extended Agree.
Passives and Impersonal Verb Constructions in the History of English
Hong-Ki Sohng(송홍기),Seung-Chul Moon(문승철) 한국생성문법학회 2008 생성문법연구 Vol.18 No.1
This paper explores the Case phenomena in two types of constructions, the indirect passives and the impersonal verb constructions, in the history of English, and gives a unified account of the use of Case in these constructions in terms of the constraint interactions in the Optimality theoretical framework. It is suggested in this paper that the dominant use of Nominative on the subjects of these constructions has been incurred by the establishment of the SVO surface order due to a levelling of inflections in Middle English. It thus follows that the prevailing use of the constraint <SUP>*</SUP>SUBJ<SUB>Oblique</SUB> has also been caused by the SVO surface order fixed in Middle English. Overall, this paper suggests that the two constraints put forth here have been in force as two of the major grammatical constraints in the history of English.
Hong Ki Sohng,Seung Chul Moon 대한언어학회 2009 언어학 Vol.17 No.1
This paper aims to explore the nature and use of NP shift in Old-Modern English. Old English hand non-heavy or light NP shift to the sentence-final position in the light of end-focus, while Modern English only has heavy NP shift in the light of end-weight. Object NPs with clear morphological endings, which were reflections of inherent Case in Old English, were easily identifiable both in the shifted position and in the in-situ position, so a shifted object NP in Old English yielded end-focus effects whereas an in-situ object NP did not. However, sentence-final shift of non-heavy objects with no clear morphological endings in Modern English leads to confusion, and thus is judged marginal or ungrammatical. On the other hand, heavy NPs in Modern English shift sentence-finally to produce a stylistically well-balanced sentence in accordance with the norms of English Syntax, end-weight, and thus their shift is considered optimal. In contrast, in-situ heavy NPs in Modern English are not stylistically well-balanced in accordance with the norms of English Syntax, and thus are judged non-optimal. This paper provides a principled account of NP shift in English by means of a set of hierarchical, violable constraints that operate actively in the English speakers` linguistic faculty.
( Hong Ki Sohng ) 경희대학교 언어연구소 2014 언어연구 Vol.31 No.1
This paper explores the uses of any that has a free choice interpretation in generic contexts and an existential interpretation in polarity contexts, with special focus on the uses of any in inherently negative predicate constructions. Following the approaches by Giannakidou (2001:673) and Montague (1969), I argue that inherently negative predicates are verbs with negation inherent in them, and that they are nonveridical operators. Considering any as a unitary lexical item, I have put forth the Licensing Conditions on Any, modifying Giannakidou’s Condition and incorporating Chung’s (2010) Free Choice Condition. I have shown that the uses of any in inherently negative predicate construction as well as the other uses of any in this paper can be adequately handled via the Licensing Conditions proposed. I have shown that the c-command requirement of the Licensing Conditions follows from the structural relationship between a nonveridical operator and any, and that the Condition on free choice of the Licensing Conditions is derived from the lexical semantics of any.