RISS 학술연구정보서비스

검색
다국어 입력

http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.

변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.

예시)
  • 中文 을 입력하시려면 zhongwen을 입력하시고 space를누르시면됩니다.
  • 北京 을 입력하시려면 beijing을 입력하시고 space를 누르시면 됩니다.
닫기
    인기검색어 순위 펼치기

    RISS 인기검색어

      검색결과 좁혀 보기

      선택해제
      • 좁혀본 항목 보기순서

        • 원문유무
        • 음성지원유무
        • 학위유형
          펼치기
        • 주제분류
          펼치기
        • 수여기관
          펼치기
        • 발행연도
          펼치기
        • 작성언어
          펼치기
        • 지도교수
          펼치기

      오늘 본 자료

      • 오늘 본 자료가 없습니다.
      더보기
      • Inescapable: Polarization, Prestige, and the US Military in Politics

        Erickson, Peter M ProQuest Dissertations & Theses The University of 2022 해외박사(DDOD)

        RANK : 2943

        This dissertation examines how varying levels of polarization and military prestige impact the US military's political involvement. Chapter 1 first develops and exposits three central principles that guide the conduct of the civilian and military actors who practice civil-military relations. These include the principles of civilian control of the military, non-partisanship of the military institution, and non-interference of the military into certain realms of the state.Chapter 2 presents a theory which contends that the levels of political polarization and military prestige alter the degree to which civilian and military actors adhere to these central principles of civil-military relations. Chapter 3 and Chapter 4 evaluate the theory empirically by analyzing original observational data. Chapter 3 examines the publication of opinion commentary (op-eds) written by retired military officers, and Chapter 4 examines the use of military symbols, images, and actors during presidential campaign television commercials. Chapters 5 and 6 then explore the theory through different eras in US history, including the post-US Civil War period and the post-9/11 era.The main scholarly contribution of this dissertation is the articulation of why political behaviors involving the military occur in mature democracies such as the United States, and the development of a framework to identify, measure, and assess these behaviors. This dissertation also sheds new light on the ways in which civilian actors in particular politicize the military. The main conclusion of this dissertation is that civilian and military actors adhere to the central principles of civil-military relations when polarization and military prestige exist at a moderate level. However, when both variables operate at significantly high levels, it is unlikely that civilian and military actors will obey and adhere to these central principles. The dissertation strongly suggests that a nation's military will inevitably encounter the intense social forces of polarization as a society becomes increasingly polarized.

      • The role of school climate in the mental health and victimization of students in military-connected schools

        De Pedro, Kris Matthew Tunac University of Southern California 2012 해외박사(DDOD)

        RANK : 2943

        Research on school climate has found that a supportive school climate promotes positive social, emotional, psychological and academic outcomes among students, even student populations experiencing stressors in the family and community context. Studies have shed light on the stressors (i.e. deployment) and the negative mental health outcomes of children in military families. Given the significant presence of military students in over 200 civilian public school districts in the United States, it is surprising that school climate researchers have largely ignored the role that a supportive school climate plays in the social and emotional outcomes of military students. This multiple manuscript dissertation utilizes a population sample of secondary students in eight military-connected school districts to examine the role that a supportive school climate plays in two key social and emotional outcomes known to impact academic achievement—mental health and victimization. The first study provides detailed descriptive analyses of school climate perceptions (belonging, caring relationships, safety, meaningful participation, respect for student's family, and risky behavior disapproval) among military and non-military students. The second study examines associations between multiple components of school climate and three mental health indicators—well-being, depression, and suicidal ideation—among all students as well as within military and non-military students. The third study assesses associations between school climate and victimization among all students as well as within military and non-military students. Findings from the descriptive analyses indicate that military students—those with a parent or those with a sibling in the military—consistently have more negative school climate perceptions than non-military students. In addition, findings from multivariate analyses reveal that school climate promotes well-being and curbs rates of depression, suicidal ideation and victimization among all students and within military and non-military student populations. This was true even accounting for deployment. This means that a positive school climate can have healing effects that improve mental health and reduce violence and suicide for both military and nonmilitary students. This dissertation concludes with implications for future educational reform, practice and policy.

      • Military service, deployments, and exposures in relation to amyotrophic lateral sclerosis etiology and survival

        Beard, John Doyle The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill 2015 해외박사(DDOD)

        RANK : 2943

        Amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS) is a debilitating neurodegenerative disease. Its importance as a public health problem lies in its generally rapid progression and often fatal outcome. ALS rates have been reported to be higher among U.S. military veterans, of which there are currently more than 21 million, but the causal agents related to military service have not been identified. Previous studies were limited by reliance on mortality as a surrogate for incidence, a dearth of survival analyses, lack of clinical data, low statistical power, and limited exposure assessment. We used information from Genes and Environmental Exposures in Veterans with Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis, a study of 630 veteran ALS cases and 975 frequency-matched veteran controls to 1) evaluate associations between aspects of military service, deployments, and 40 exposures and ALS etiology; and 2) evaluate associations between aspects of military service, deployments, and 40 exposures and ALS survival. We used inverse probability weighting to evaluate and adjust for potential selection bias resulting from studying cases who likely represent long survivors and controls who may be different from U.S. military veterans at large. We observed several inverse associations between ALS and military service and deployment variables, but these may be because the control group was comprised of many career military veterans. We found lower odds of ALS among officers and higher odds among veterans whose longest deployment was World War II or the Korean War. There was no difference in the odds of ALS among veterans of the Air Force, Army, Marines, and Navy. ALS was more common among veterans who had direct contact with eight exposures incurred during deployment to four major wars. We did not find strong evidence that military-related factors were associated with shorter ALS survival. While we cannot exclude the effects of uncontrolled selection bias or confounding by non-military exposures on our results, they provide clues to potential causal factors underlying the apparent increase of ALS among military veterans and, therefore, require replication and further study. Furthermore, the null association we found between military-related factors and ALS survival may be comforting to ALS cases who are military veterans.

      • 軍事基地 立地葛藤의 效果的인 管理方案에 관한 硏究 : 葛藤影響要因을 中心으로

        이명숙 忠南大學校 平和安保大學院 2013 국내박사

        RANK : 2943

        Korean security environment consists in instability and conflict between anticipation of North Korea's provocative act, neighboring countries' fierce territorial dispute, and military power strengthening. But, we have a difficulty in locations of the military base which is indispensable to our security. Even though the military base is a major facility for national security, local residents take on objections for different reasons, which lead military base location to serious deadlock. In this study, I analyzed the cases of conflict related to military base location and tried to find out systematic conflict management method to prevent and solve conflict. To do so, I applied qualitative research to case study method to link effect factors of conflict and comparatively analyzed its result. The cases of the study included the Defense Security Command transfer, Pyungtaek U.S. base transfer, the 35th Division transfer, and the Jeju Navy Base construction among various conflict cases. The stages of conflict was classified into creation, expression, expansion, alleviation, solving of the conflict. It was reviewed how systematic factors, political factors, economic factors, psychological factors, independent variants of the third party's intervention that affect the conflict have to do with conflict of military base location in each case. In addition, I searched for solutions for conflicts of military base locations by deriving a conflict management method per each factor conflict management method. As a result of analysis, it was proved that special laws regarding legal·systematic factors and procedural relevance among effect factors of conflict, willingness of a political leader among political factors, compensation and local development among economic factors, natural preservation among psychological factors, and third intervening factors significantly affect from the development of the conflict through management and solution of the conflict, while participation degree of the interested parties among persons political factors social recognition among psychological factors do not significantly affect the conflict process. When seen from conflict management method applied to this conflict of military base location, it was proved that the Defense Security Command, in general, successfully managed the conflict using persuasion and negotiation of the conflict management method, while in other cases, consistent suppression of the government as well as the lawsuits revealed problems in the conflict management by the government and the military. Accordingly, it is deemed necessary that certain management method should be designed to increase these factors as well as effectively manage similar conflicts. To do so, it is necessary to establish upper level of laws that can enclose ‘regulation to prevent and solve conflict for the public institutes’ and reinforce legal application as a legal·systematic management method. Moreover, it is necessary to prepare for procedures to secure residents' participation by complementing Administrative Procedural Act and reflects residents' opinions and reduce the conflict and distrust as a systematic device for residents' participation. In light of the political management method, the political leader requires definite a view of state and is recommended to consistently decide the policy-making and propel the policy that the nation can trust so that people can predict the future. Most of all, national security should not be used strategically, which requires the political leader to improve his vision or consciousness to people. In light of economic aspect, a compensation method including expropriation of land should be unified through maintenance of repair system based upon fair and strict application of such rules. Assistance in resident lifestyle and its supportive method should be specified concretely so that the military base location won't damage the economic value as well as living of the residents, while local incentives should be applied linked to local development. In light of a psychological management method, the military base should be useful facilities for local residents away from the recognition that the military base is not preferred. The local residents shall prepare for an attractive method that makes local residents accept the military base as preferential facilities through economic safety device, cleanliness of the military, and openness of certain area, etc. In light of a management method led by the third party invention, mediation·arbitration should be activated. To do so, the mediation or arbitration organization by the third party and a system of conflict mediation should be introduced. In addition, the government organization system or committee, independent institute should be established to control conflict management. In particular, a conflict management organization including civilian conflict specialists and persons involved with conflict should be established to prevent residents from objection and activate base construction. The military base location means a lot to local residents and local economy. However, the importance of the military base location is the most meaningful in light of national security. The military base is a base facility of national security and a basic supposition for peace-keeping. Accordingly, the civil and military conflict regarding the military base location shall be handled as a major issue. In particular, it is important to maintain an effective conflict management for national security regarding the civil and military conflict related to the military base location, but what seems more important is that we should establish a system for more effective conflict. Keywords: Military Base, Civil Military Conflict, National Security, Influential Factors of Conflict, Conflict Management, Legal·Systematic Factors, Political Factors, Economic Factors, Psychological Factors, Third Party's, Effective Management Methods of Conflict.

      • Military rule and democracy in Greece and Turkey

        Gursoy Dipsar, Fatma Yaprak University of Virginia 2008 해외박사(DDOD)

        RANK : 2943

        What were the causes of various types of regimes and their consolidation in Greece and Turkey? Why did the Greek and Turkish armed forces intervene in politics via short-lived coup d'etats and establish or support authoritarian regimes during various periods in their histories? Results from archival research and interviews with more than 110 Greek and Turkish businessmen, politicians, and military officers suggest that political regimes and military interventions in Greece and Turkey were determined by the power of the elites relative to the opposition and the degree of threat that the elites perceived to their interests. Consolidated authoritarian regimes (Turkey 1931-1946, Greece 1936-1941) occurred when the majority of political, economic, and military elites perceived high levels of threat to their interests from the lower classes. These elites formed alliances in support of the creation or sustaining of an authoritarian regime. Unconsolidated democracies with short-lived military coup d'etats (Greece 1843-1936, Turkey 1950-1983) came about when the military, political, and economic elites were threatened by each other. Successful coups in unconsolidated democracies (Greece 1909, Turkey 1980) took place when the military initiated the coup in coalition with a section of the elites. Unsuccessful coup attempts (Greece 1933, 1935, Turkey 1962, 1963) occurred when the insurgents were not supported by the elites and the rest of the military. Unconsolidated authoritarian regimes (Greece 1967-1974, Turkey 1923-1930) differed from their consolidated counterparts by the level of support they garnered. In these authoritarian regimes, a faction of the military and/or the political elite perceived threats to their interests from the electorate and established a repressive regime. However, (other) political elites had pro-democratic regime preferences, and therefore, opposed authoritarianism. Similarly, a significant portion of the lower classes engaged in contentious action. Consolidated democracy in Greece after 1981 emerged when political, economic, and military elite groups did not perceive threats to their interests from the lower classes or from each other. Additionally, interventionist military cliques did not have sufficient power to repress the opposition and could not gain support within the armed forces and among other elite groups.

      • Right Frame, Right Time: A Study of Anti-American Military Base Protests in East Asia

        Willis, Charmaine N State University of New York at Albany ProQuest Di 2023 해외박사(DDOD)

        RANK : 2943

        Why do anti-US-military protests occur in some host communities but not others? Using six cases in Japan, South Korea, and the Philippines, this project argues that a key explanatory factor in anti-US-military movement variability is the extent to which activists' frames, or interpretations of an issue, resonate with the host community or nation. The concept of frame resonance reflects the interplay between framing by social movement leaders and the political opportunity structure (including framing by the US and host nation governments), which influences frames' effectiveness at mobilizing potential protesters. Drawing on interviews, participant observation, protest data and data, and various primary and secondary sources, I explore variations in anti-US-military protests across the host communities of Yokosuka and Okinawa, Japan; Daegu and Jeju, South Korea; and national level movements in the Philippines before and after the signing of the VFA agreement.I find that three key factors influence frame resonance in anti-US-military protests and contribute to protest variation across host communities and across time. First, I conceptualize base politics as a framing contest among a variety of different actors but most crucially anti-US-military activists, the host community government, the host nation government, and the US military. While anti-US-military activists always frame the US presence as a problem to be solved and the US military highlights the ways in which its presence is important to host nation security, host nation and host community governments vary in their positions about the US military presence. I find that when either government adopts a position aligned with activists' positions, it lends credibility to activists' frames and increases the chances that they can mobilize people en masse against the US military. Second, host communities that have a history of marginalization at the hands of the US and/or their host nation government have a greater chance of witnessing mass anti-US-military mobilization. However, it is not the mere occurrence of these past events that mobilize people; it is the way that activists and their allies link the US military presence to the past and remind people of past grievances. Finally, high levels of anti-US-military protests are more likely in communities where the visibility of US troops is high and negative. When troop visibility is low, people may have difficulty believing that the US military is in their community, and when troop visibility is high and positive, they will have a hard time believing that the troop presence is problematic, undermining activists' claims.

      • Trained to Care: The Role of Obligation in Military Experience

        Hoffman, Michael J University of Michigan ProQuest Dissertations & Th 2023 해외박사(DDOD)

        RANK : 2943

        The recent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan renewed attention to US military service members and veterans, but the daily life of service members remains a mystery in both popular and scholarly writing. This dissertation explores veterans' reflections on their experiences of everyday relationships within the US military. My starting point is a sentiment echoed by many veterans: that the relationships they experience in the military are closer and more caring than any they have known since. Employing a phenomenological approach to mundane details of military training, I explore ways in which service members learn to care, which I define as an ability to appreciate and fulfill obligations to each other. I argue that the care they experience is rooted in collectivist obligations imposed by the military-obligations to work together toward shared goals amidst shared risks. Under the rubric of an Ethics of Care, I suggest that the scaffolds that we use to build care are often mundane, and always worthy of attention. I interviewed nineteen military service members, all of whom served in the 9/11 era. Not all of them deployed to combat. I started my collection of evidence with the idea that military training, and not combat, is the common denominator of military service. Employing an open-ended phenomenological interview format, I gave participants space and time to explore the relationships that they found most meaningful in their experience. From the empirical evidence emerged three phenomena that became the central chapters of this dissertation. The first of these phenomena is downtime. The military often requires service members to spend vast amounts of time alongside each other, and that time is often spent chatting with each other. The second phenomenon is team organization. Service members experience highly formalized and redundant organizational structures wherein there is a high ratio of leaders-to-subordinates. The third phenomenon is training. Service members experience training constantly, and it was the single most common activity that participants discussed as the setting for relationships. Each of these phenomena yielded insights into how mundane aspects of service-activities and organizational structures alike-became scaffolds for relationship. Chapter Three explores the role of downtime in relationship formation. Downtime conversation provides the essential means for service members to get to know each other and to integrate into a collectivist culture. Chapter Four explores the roles of military regulation and military organization in relationship formation. The modern US military is designed around small units, and regulations articulate the obligations that leaders and subordinates have to each other. Chapter Five explores the role of training activities in relationship formation. The fundamentals of soldiering-marksmanship and physical fitness-provide opportunity for service members to understand their obligations to each other and act on those obligations. The transformation of obligation to action is essential for service members to demonstrate care for each other. The growing field of Veterans Studies is committed to exploring diverse ways in which military service and veteran experience are connected, but there is a need for qualitative work that explores the meaning of military experiences. This dissertation is a step toward a more detailed approach to the mundane experiences of military service. I also suggest that phenomenology, with its close attention to the lived experience of individuals, might serve as a model for future qualitative work in Veterans Studies.

      • (The) military-industrial complex and defense spending : a quantitative systemic approach and a case study of South Korea

        Kruse, Nils Graduate School of International Studies, Korea Un 2014 국내석사

        RANK : 2943

        The entanglement between politicians, the military, and the defense industry has been a highly debated issue since President Eisenhower’s farewell address in 1961. This research focusses on the military-industrial complex and its influence on military spending. The two main research questions are: 1) Is there empirical evidence for the existence of a global military-industrial complex? 2) If there is empirical evidence, how does it manifest itself on a country level? In the first part, a quantitative approach is taken to present empirical evidence for the correlation between the influence of a country’s military and its defense industry on the government’s allocation of resources to defense spending. Analyzing the systemic level, the sample is based on an ordinary least square regression analysis (OSL) run with available data from countries worldwide. Based on these findings, the second part approaches the phenomenon of the military-industrial complex by shifting the analytical perspective to the domestic level. Based on a case study of South Korea, several biases in the public debate about defense spending are identified. It is then shown which players in the military-industrial complex attempt to shape public discourse and how they profit from increased defense spending. A preliminary explanation of how these biases remain unchallenged by the Korean public is given by three theories of myth creation by A. Lieven’s, J. Snyder and A. Gramsci. Their respective theories of myths originating from political culture, coalition logrolling, and cultural hegemony are then tested and evaluated in regards to their applicability to the case of South Korea respectively.

      • 사회주의 체제 변화기 군부의 정권 충성도 결정 요인 : 북한에 대한 함의

        황윤정 북한대학원대학교 2020 국내석사

        RANK : 2943

        사회주의 군부는 외부의 적으로부터 체제를 수호하면서도 내부의 도전세력으로부터 체제를 지키는 책임 역시 갖고 있다. 그러나 체제에 변화가 생기고, 사회주의 군부가 그 과정에서 충성도를 시험받는 계기 중국의 천안문 사태, 쿠바의 경제악화에 따른 극단적인 감군 시행, 체제전환 움직임에 대한 소련의 개입 포기와 대규모 대중 시위가 있었던 동독?불가리아, 독재자를 몰아내려는 주민 봉기가 있었던 루마니아 등의 사례가 있다. 가 발생했을 때 정권의 뜻을 따랐던 군부가 있고 적극적?소극적으로 저항을 했던 군부가 있다. 사회주의 군부의 충성도를 결정하는 요인은 무엇인가? 그동안 많은 연구자들이 역사적 접근법을 통해 사회주의 체제 전환기 또는 개혁기 군부의 행동에 영향을 미친 개별적 요인들을 각각 추출했지만, 이 연구들을 전체적으로 종합 분석할 수요는 남아 있다. 특히 체제 변화기 북한 조선인민군의 선택을 예측해 보기 위해서는 먼저 그간 연구결과들을 일반화하여 예측을 위한 틀을 만드는 작업이 필요하다. 이 논문은 그러한 ‘일반적인 틀’을 만들기 위한 노력의 일환이다. 또한 이 논문은 사회주의 정권이 어떤 변화의 선택을 하든 군부가 ‘그 정권에 충성했는가 아닌가’에 중심을 두고 있다는 점에서, 군부가 사회주의 체제 전복에 어떤 역할을 하였는가에 초점을 맞추고 있는 기존 연구와 차별화된다. 체제 변화기 중국.쿠바.소련.동독.불가리아.루마니아 등 6개국 사회주의 군부가 정권에 충성했는지 여부에 ①군의 혁명성 ②당군 관계 ③군의 정치적 위상 ④군의 경제적 위상 ⑤외부세력의 영향력 요인들이 미친 영향은 아래와 같다. 중국, 쿠바의 군부는 혁명성.유기적 당군 관계.높은 경제적 위상을 가졌으며 정권에 대한 충성도가 높았다. 반면 이 3개 요인들의 평가 결과가 반대였던 소련, 동독, 루마니아, 불가리아 군부는 충성도가 낮았다. 이 요인들이 있을 경우 군부가 정권에 충성한다는 충분조건이 성립한다고 볼 수 있는데, 예외 사례 없이 정권 충성도와 비례하고 있기 때문이다. 정치적 위상 요인은 충성도와 비례, 외부세력의 영향력 요인은 충성도와 반비례하는 경향을 보였지만 중국과 소련, 루마니아에서 예외 사례가 관찰되었다. 이로 볼 때 5가지 요인은 영향력이 강한 요인과 약한 요인 그룹으로 대별할 수 있다는 결론에 이른다. 중국의 사례만 보더라도 다른 요인은 충성도에 긍정적인 지표를 나타내는 반면 정치적 위상만 낮은데 결과적으로 충성도는 높게 평가된다. 각 요인 간의 관계를 분석한 결과 혁명성은 당군 관계의 충분조건이 될 수 있으며 혁명성?당군 관계는 경제적 위상에 대한 충분조건으로 작용하는 것으로 보인다. 또한 최소한 동유럽 국가들에 있어서는 외부세력 즉, 소련의 영향력 요인이 다른 요인들에 있어 충분조건이 되는 양상이다. 따라서 혁명성의 존재는 군부의 충성도에 대해 설명력이 크다. 혁명성만 존재한다면, 당군 관계의 유기성과 높은 경제적 위상이 이어지며, 군부의 충성도가 높을 개연성이 있다. 上記 분석 결과를 북한에 적용해 보면, 북한 군부는 혁명성의 존재, 유기적 당군 관계, 정치?경제적으로 높은 위상 및 낮은 외부세력의 영향력으로 인해 체제 변화기 도래시에 정권에 충성할 것으로 예견된다. 주목해야 할 사실은 북한 정권이 군부의 혁명성을 유지하기 위해 지속 노력하는 한, 개혁을 선택하든 체제 전환을 선택하든 군부는 정권에 충성할 가능성이 높다는 점이다. The military under the socialist system has a mission to defend the system from external threats while also protecting the system from internal challenges. Historically, however, some socialist military forces went one way with the regime and others went another way when the socialist system changed. What determines the loyalty of the socialist military? So far, many researchers have extracted individual factors each that influenced the behavior of the socialist transition or reform-era military through a historical approach, but there remains a demand for a comprehensive analysis of these studies as a whole. In particular, in order to predict the choice of North Korea's Korean People's Army during the regime change, it is necessary to generalize the results of the research and create a framework for prediction. This paper is part of an effort to create such a 'general framework'. The paper also sets itself apart from existing research focusing on what role the military played in overthrowing the socialist system, given that whatever choice the socialist regime makes, the military is centered on 'whether or not loyal to the regime'. The paper extracts the revolutionary nature of the military, the party-military relationship, the political status of the military, the economic status of the military, the influence factors of the external forces from the existing research results, and analyzes the impact of these factors on the regime loyalty of the socialist military of six countries, including China, Cuba, the Soviet Union, East Germany, Bulgaria and Romania, and applies them to the North Korean military.

      • 부대 전투력 향상을 위한 군 교육훈련 일정계획 최적화 모델

        박철언 연세대학교 대학원 2021 국내석사

        RANK : 2943

        Military Reform Plan 2.0 announced by the government in July 2018, the Korean military has difficulty maintaining the combat power of its troops due to the shortening of the military service period and the lack of resources to enlist in the military due to the shrinking population. In addition, there are many discussions on improving the military training system, which is the most important factor in mastering the military, as it is having difficulty securing and maintaining skilled troops due to the shortening of the military service period of soldiers. In this study, the military training schedule optimization model is proposed for the improvement of the military training system to help the military to deal with current difficulties To this end, the regulations related to the military training schedule were first analyzed and the existing literature was studied to define the problem. And quantify the factors related to the characteristics of military training and apply the concept of oblivion related to the individual learning ability of soldiers to the model. This research model is used through scenario experimentation, and a scenario is created based on the situation that may occur in field units, and a four-week training schedule is planned, which is actually a circular training cycle for field units. To measure unit combat capability, the characteristics of training that affect combat power were reflected and measured by comparing the combat power before training according to plan. The scenario consisted of variables in the unit's training conditions and initial combat capabilities, and focused on how these variables affect the establishment of the schedule for training. Through this, it was possible to establish a schedule for training to maximize the combat power of the unit, and to quantitatively measure the results of training. In addition, the military training managers were able to derive key elements that should be trained when planning training schedules. Through this research model, it is expected that the military training managers will be able to set up an training schedule that can effectively maintain or improve the combat capabilities of the unit. 우리나라 군은 2018년 7월 정부에서 발표한 국방개혁 2.0에 따라 병사들의 군 복무기간이 단축되고 인구감소로 인한 군 입대 자원 부족으로 부대의 전투력을 유지하는데 어려움을 겪고 있다. 또한, 군 내부적으로 병사들의 군 복무기간 단축에 따라 숙달된 병력을 확보하고 유지하는데 어려움을 겪고 있어 병력을 숙달하는데 가장 중요한 요소인 군 교육훈련 체계 개선에 대한 논의가 많이 이루어지고 있다. 본 연구에서는 군 교육훈련 체계 개선방안을 제시하여 현재 군이 겪고 어려움을 해결하는데 도움이 되고자 부대 전투력 향상을 위한 군 교육훈련 일정계획 최적화 모델을 제안한다. 이를 위해 먼저 군 교육훈련 일정계획과 관련된 규정을 분석하고 기존 문헌을 연구하여 문제를 정의하였다. 그리고 군 교육훈련 특성과 관련된 요소들을 정량화하고 병사 개인의 학습 능력과 관련된 망각 개념을 모델에 적용한다. 본 연구모델은 시나리오 실험을 통해 활용되는데 야전부대에서 일어날 수 있는 상황을 바탕으로 시나리오를 생성하여 실제 야전부대의 순환식 부대훈련 주기인 4주간의 교육훈련 일정을 계획한다. 부대 전투력 측정을 위해 전투력에 영향을 주는 교육훈련 특성을 반영하였고, 교육훈련 계획 전 전투력과 계획에 의한 교육훈련 후 전투력을 비교하여 측정하였다. 시나리오는 부대의 교육훈련 여건과 초기 전투력을 변수로 하여 구성하였고, 이와 같은 변수가 교육훈련 일정계획 수립에 어떤 영향을 주는지 중점적으로 확인하였다. 이를 통해 부대 전투력을 최대화하는 교육훈련 일정계획을 수립할 수 있었고, 교육훈련 성과의 정량적 측정이 가능하였다. 또한 군 교육훈련 관리자가 교육훈련 일정을 계획할 시 교려해야 하는 주요 요소들을 도출할 수 있었다. 본 연구모델을 통해 군 교육훈련 관리자가 효과적으로 부대 전투력을 유지 혹은 향상시킬 수 있는 교육훈련 일정을 수립할 수 있을 것으로 기대한다.

      연관 검색어 추천

      이 검색어로 많이 본 자료

      활용도 높은 자료

      해외이동버튼