고려왕실 족내혼 연구

정용숙 숙명여자대학교 대학원 1987 국내박사

본 연구는 高麗王室에서 행해지던 婚姻形態의 하나인, 族內婚의 실체를 규명하려는 것이다. 그리고 이러한 연구는 高麗의 사회적 성격과 정치사의 흐름을 이해하는 데 도움이 될 것이다. 본 연구의 내용을 요약하면 다음과 같다. 먼저, 史料검토를 위하여《高麗史》<后妃傳>을 살펴본 결과, 여기에는 后妃의 호칭, 출신가계, 자녀출생, 그들의 王室에서의 위치, 死後의 대우등 상세한 기록이 집중되어 있었다. 그러나 몇가지 문제점도 있었다. 儒敎的 名分論이 강조된 점, 그 내용기재에 있어 일관성이 결여되어 있는 점, 史料정리에 소홀한 부분이 눈에 Em이며, 序文과 本文이 일치하지 않는 점 등이었다. 다음으로 高麗에서 王室 族內婚이 성립되는 과정을 추적하여 보았다. 太祖의 后妃 29명은 결혼시기에 따라 그들의 출신가계에 차이가 있었다. 太祖가 왕위에 오르기 전에는 富豪家의 女를, 卽位 이후에는 전국 군사요충지 豪族의 女를, 그리고 後三國을 통일한 이후에는 新羅王族의 女를 아내로 맞고 있다. 이들 后妃家의 협력이 太祖의 당면정책을 지원함으로써 高麗王室의 기반이 다져지게 된 것이다. 太祖는 이처럼 혼인정책을 바꾸어가다가 그의 第3子 昭(光宗)에 이르러 王室內의 族內婚을 맺기에 이르렀다. 그리고 이러한 혼인이 王族間의 결집을 가능하게 하였고 光宗代 정치안정의 기반이 되었다. 高麗 4代 光宗에서 비롯된 王室 族內婚은, 7代 穆宗에 이르기까지 계속되어 갔다. 그러나 이러한 혼인에는 문제점도 있었으니, 그 하나는 通婚圈의 축소로 王位繼承權者가 단절될 위기에 이른 것이고, 그 다음은 王의 정치적 독주로 官僚層의 불만이 확산되게 된 것이다. 그 결과 政變이 일어나 穆宗이 廢位되고 顯宗이 즉위하였다. 顯宗은 즉위후 王室 婚姻政策을 일부 수정하여, 族內婚과 더불어 族外婚을 함으로써 婚姻對象이 貴族層에게도 개방되었다. 그리하여 王室과 貴族間의 마찰이 제거되고 王權도 안정되게 되었다. 王室과 婚姻관계를 맺은 집단을 알기 위하여 公主의 혼인대상을 조사한 즉, 그 대상은 거의 모두가 王族이었다. 일정한 通婚圈에 속하는 인물 가운데서 용모, 성격, 학식등이 뛰어난 인물이 公主의 배우자로 선정되었다. 通婚의 범위는 穆宗이전까지는 王室內의 母系를 달리하는 두 王族간에 子女를 교환하는 혼인이 이루어지고 있으나, 穆宗이후에는 王室內에 王位를 이어가는 家系와 이들에게 배우자를 공급하는 家系로 나누어지게 된다. 前王의 公主가 결혼하여 낳은 子女가 王室의 배우자로 되는 것이다. 王室은 이같은 혼인을 통하여 피의 순결을 유지하고, 또 外孫을 王族으로 묶어둘 수 있었다. 國王이 王族內에서 王妃를 맞는 경우, 王妃는 母系와 관련되는 姓을 사용하고 있다. 太祖에서 穆宗에 이르는 기간의 王女들은 그들의 姓을 太祖紀에게서 취하여, 第I代는 母姓, 第II代는 祖母姓, 第III代는 曾祖母姓을 따르고 있다. 이같은 현상은 그들이 자신의 出自를 太祖妃에서 분파된 혈족으로 인식하고 있었기 때문이었다. 王의 公主가 母系와 관련된 姓을 쓸 수 있었던 이유를 들면, 高麗前期 사회에서 血族의 家系繼承이 어머니를 통하여도 이루어질 수 있었던 사회환경, 太祖의 王妃가 독립된 宮殿을 가지고 자녀들을 양육하는 생활방식과 관계가 있다. 그리고 太祖가 지방 세력가를 포섭하기 위하여. 자기의 딸에게 그들의 姓을 사용하도록 한 정치적 의도도 작용하였던 것이다. 그러나 이같은 姓繼承은 후기로 오면서 同姓혼인을 한 흔적을 피하기 위한 방법으로 변질되어 갔다. 高麗와 朝鮮時代에 살았던 역사가들 중에는 王室의 族內婚에 대하여 비판적 태도를 갖는 인물들이 있었다. 그러나 그 비판에는 차이가 있다. 高麗時代에 생존했던 史家들의 비판이 온건한 데 비하여, 朝鮮時代 史家의 그것은 강경하다. 비판의 근거는 「同姓不婚」이지만, 이것은 시대에 따라 다르게 해석되었고, 그들이 생존하던 시대적 요청과 밀접한 관련을 가지고 있었다. 이것이 당대 史家의 한계점이기도 하였다. 본연구의 핵심은, 高麗王室 族內婚의 변화양상을 시간과 공간의 제관계 속에서 종합적으로 파악하는 데 있는 것이다. Introduction The purpose of this dissertation is to examine closely the entity of endogamy, one of marriage customs in the royal household of Koryo(高麗). This research may help us understand the nature of the Koryo society and the changes in the Koryo political history. To gather up the threads of my argument is as follows : 1. A careful review of Hu Bee Jeon, Koryo Sa. Hu Bee Jeon(后妃傳) out of the book KoryoSa(高麗史). has an intensive, significant collection of historical materials about queens of the Koryo(高麗) Dynasty. This book has a detailed recording about queens' appellations, origins, offsprings, positions in the line of the Koryo royal family, posthumous honors and so on. There are, however, some problems on the volume in some ways of writing down. First, that record overemphasizes the obligations of Confucian moral. Second, the record is not consistent in describing its content. Third, the approach of selecting and arranging historical materials leave something to be desired. Fourth, there are some inconsistencies in describing the historical facts between preface and content of the book. Therefore, a careful attention should be paid to using this document as a historical resource. 2. The formation of endogamy in the Koryo royal family. Wang Geon(王建), the founder and First King Tae Jo(太祖) of the Koryo dynasty, took a total of 29 women for his wives during his lifetime. Before coming into the throne, he took women of local, rich and strong origins for his wives. This policy of marriage contributed to his success. At last he could rise to a high military. After sitting on the throne, he decided to take for his wives daughters of key leaders of local military factions all over the country. Through this policy, he wished the basement of the Koryo Dynasty to be consolidated stably. In other words, the essence of this policy was to get together military forces so that this policy might put the Koryo Dynasty into a safe position. After reunifying the post three kingdoms, king Tae Jo(太祖) took for his wife the daughter from the royal family of Shilla(新羅). The aim of this move was to make the stock of the Koryo royal higher and purer. This policy underwent a variety of changes in turn. At last, the final institution of marriage he resorted to was endogamy. Through endogamy, some strongmen having had close relationship with the royal family could get together around it. They were the main factor of stability in the scepter. 3. The changes of endogamy in the Koryo royal family. Endogamy lasted from the fourth king Kwang Jong(光宗) through the seventh king Mok Jong(穆宗) in the Koryo dynasty. Endogamy's development kept pace with the consolidation of royalty. But there were some problems in this institution of marriage. First, endogamy tended to diminish the sphere of marriage and threathen to cut the succession to the throne off. Second, the consolidation of royalty in turn could give way to autocracy and spread complaints of bureaucracy. As a result, a coup d'etat broke out to send king Mok Jong(穆宗) down from the throne and bring king Hyun Jong(顯宗) into the throne. After mounting the throne, king Hyun Jong(顯宗) reviced partially, the policy of marriage in the royal family. Along with endogamy, exogamy was introduced and adopted into the Koryo. That partial change in it could allow the noble to be a marriageable clan to royal. It also could help the royal cooperate with the noble and reinforce the scepter. 4. The structure of endogamy in the blood royal of Koryo. In order to know who was a marriageable person to a membership of the royal family, I inspeted closely the marriage relationships of princesses. Therefore, I could conclude that most princesses took the blood royal for her husbands. The contemporary King selected a proper spouse among persons within a given sphere of marriageability by the standards of personal appearance, personality, knowledge and so forth. The pattern of marriage, all the way from king Tae Joe(太祖) through king Mok Jong(穆宗), was that two families of the blood royal exchanged their offsprings as a spouse of the other family each other. But from king Hyun Jong(顯宗), there was another pattern of marriage between two families of the same blood royal. One family took the right of the succession to the throne, while the other family made a monopoly of providing a spouse for the former household. Consequently, one of offsprings by a princess of a former king was selected as a spouse of a prince or a princess of the contempory king. That is the way the grandchildren of a former king got married to the children of his daughter again. After all, this pattern called endogamy could help the royal family keep their blood pure and continue to treat descendants in the daughter's line as a clan of the royal household. 5. The principle of a queen's succession to a last name by endogamy. When a royal woman married a king, she did not take the last name of her father. For the most part, she did take the last name of her mother or the family name related to the last name of her mother lineage. All the way from king Tae Jo(太祖) to king Mok Jong(穆宗), the royal women adopted their last name from that of wife of king Tae Jo(太祖). The first generation of royal women got the surname of her mother, the second generation the family name of her grandmother, the third the last name of her great grandmother. This phenomenon reflects that they looked on their genealogy as a diversified blood relative from the stock of king Tae Jo(太祖) and his wife. This reasons a king's daughter could take a surname not from that of her father but from that of her mother are as follows ; First, the phenomenon was due to the atmosphere of the early Koryo society where motherhood could maintain the genealogy of a family by succession. Second, that pattern had some relationships with a way of living in the royal by which the queen of king Tae Jo(太祖) could have an independent palace for herself to bring up her offsprings. Third, king Tae Jo(太祖) intended to win some local, political and military leaders all over the country over to his side. Therefore, he used politically his daughter as a spouse for them and allowed her to take their last name. But this principle underwent a gradual change during the late Koryo dynasty. After all, the principle was used for a method to avoid traces of marrying in-in. 6. Historian's appreciation of endogamy. Some of Koryo(高麗) historians and Chosun(朝鮮) historians had an critical appreciation of endogamy. There were, however, some differences in ways of criticism between them Their differences come from the social atmosphere of each society, Koryo(高麗) and Chosun(朝鮮). The criticisms by Koryo historians were moderate, while those by Chosun historians were strongly critical. In other words, Chosun historians put emphasis on the negative side of endogamy, enough to say that the development of it was the main cause of the fall of Koryo dynasty. Through the argument of that kind, they justified themselves for their foundation of the Chosun dynasty systematically. On the surface, they grounded their appreciation on one of Confucian teachings ; A marriage should not be permitted between people of one blood. But in actuality, the Chosun bureaucracy of Confucian breeding took advantage of that Confucian teaching for their private goods. After all, to put it briefly, the historian's eyes into historical facts have been limited to a view under the influences of the times. Conclusion Endogamy in the royal family of Koryo had a close relationship with the power structure of the Koryo royal. That was why the Koryo royal could continue endogamy. However, it was the Koryo bureaucracy of Confucian breeding who protested vigorously against endogamy. The royal family of Koryo could not help but revise its policy of marriage partially under the persistent pressure of them. In the course of time, endogamy disappeared.

高麗王室 稱號의 여러 樣相

김서윤 경북대학교 교육대학원 2019 국내석사

고려 왕실 칭호의 여러 양상 김 서윤 고려왕실은 건국 초부터 황제국 체제를 지향하였고, 황제국으로서의 권위를 갖고 정국을 운영하였다. 이에 다양한 정치 제도, 사회 제도, 사회적 분위기 모두 황제국으로서의 특징을 지니고 있었으나, 이는 『고려사』의 편찬 과정에서 대부분 생략‧축약되어 그 내용을 정확히 파악하기가 힘들다. 특히 황제국으로서의 특징을 가장 잘 드러낼 수 있는 왕실 칭호의 구사에 있어서는 더더욱 그 내용에 많은 수정이 가해졌다. 이에 왕실 칭호의 다양한 양상을 정확하게 파악하기에는 큰 무리가 따른다. 고려는 다양한 특징을 미루어 살펴보았을 때 분명히 황제국으로서의 특징을 가진 황제국이었다. 건국 초부터 사용된 ‘천자’라는 칭호와 하늘로부터 큰 뜻을 받아 나라를 세웠다는 ‘천명의식’, 그리고 당나라의 제후국 체제를 모방한 제왕제(Princely Establishment), 제후들에게 토지를 분배하였던 식읍제의 구성과 그 내용이 근거이다. 또한 황제국으로서의 왕실 일원들의 칭호 사용도 그 대표적인 예가 될 수 있는데, 이는 『고려사』의 편찬 과정에서 많은 내용들이 수정되고 개서(改書)되어 상세한 양상을 살펴보아야 파악이 가능할 것이다. 이에 고려왕실 칭호의 양상을 분석해 보았다. 먼저 고려 초에는 왕위계승자를 의미했던 태자라는 칭호가 많은 왕자들에게 부여되고 있었으며, 실질적인 왕위계승자는 ‘정윤(正胤)’이라는 특이한 칭호를 지녔다. 본 글에서는 이들 왕자들의 특징을 각각 분석하여 정윤과 태자들, 또한 나머지 일반 군(君)들이 어떠한 경우에서 이런 칭호를 받게 되었는지 분석하였다. 다음으로는 초기를 제외한 전 왕대에 걸친 왕자들의 칭호를 분석하였다. 고려왕실의 왕자들은 고려로부터 봉작을 받아 각각 공(公), 후(侯), 백(伯) 등의 작위를 받았는데 이들의 구분 기준과 승진의 기준을 살펴보았다. 또한 고려왕실의 여성들 중 왕의 배필들을 분석하여 그들이 가졌던 왕비의 칭호와 후궁들의 칭호에는 어떤 것들이 있었는지 분석해 보았다. 마지막으로 조선 초기의 『고려사』편찬 과정에서 시행된 다양한 수정과 개서의 현황을 살펴보았고, 이 개서로 인해 고쳐진 왕실의 칭호와 사라진 황제국의 특징들을 살펴보았다. 이들은 『고려사』에서는 삭제되어 찾아볼 수 없으므로, 당대의 금석문과 문집, 외교문서 등과의 비교를 통해 관련 자료를 추출하였다. 이에 본 글은 다양한 특징들을 종합하여 고려가 황제국 체제를 띠고 있었음을 증명하였고, 다양한 왕실 칭호의 양상들을 살펴봄으로써 고려 왕실의 특징을 간소하게나마 드러내었다. 또한 지금까지 진행되었던 다양한 연구 성과들을 종합‧정리하여 그 내용을 정돈하였다는 것에 그 의의가 있다. Various Patterns of Titles in the Royal Family of Goryeo Kim Seo-yun The royal family of Goryeo was oriented toward the empire system right from the foundation of the state and managed the political situations with its authority as an empire. As a result, it had characteristics as an empire across all of its diverse political systems, social systems, and social atmosphere, but most of them were omitted or abbreviated in the publication process of Goryeosa, which means it is difficult to figure out the concerned content exactly. There were particularly many revisions to the content of the royal family's titles, which would be able to reveal its characteristics as an empire best. There are thus many difficulties to figure out the various patterns of its titles accurately. Given the various characteristics of Goryeo, there is no doubt that it was an empire with its characteristics as one. Grounds for this argument can be found in the organization and content of the "Cheonja" title that they used from the foundation of the state, the "Cheonmyeong belief" that they founded a nation under the big will of the Heaven, the princely establishment that mimicked the imperial system of Tang, and the Sikeup system to distribute land to feudal lords. Good examples can also be found in the titles of members of the royal family as an empire. There is a need to examine their patterns closely to understand them since the many parts of Goryeosa were revised and rewritten in the publication process. This study thus set out to analyze the patterns of titles for the royal family of Goryeo. In early Goryeo, the crown prince title to refer to a successor to the throne was given to many princes. The actual successor to the throne was given a particular title "Jeongyun(正胤)." The study analyzed the characteristics of these princes and the cases of each prince receiving a title including Jeongyun, crown prince, and general kun. The study then analyzed the titles of princes throughout the royal history of Goryeo except for its early days. In the royal family of Goryeo, the princes were invested with a title of nobility from the state and received a noble title such as Gong, Hu, and Baek. The study examined their criteria and the standards for their promotion. The study also analyzed the spouses of kings in the royal family of Goryeo and the titles of queens and royal concubines. Finally, the study looked into the various revisions and rewriting circumstances in the publication process of Goryeosa in early Joseon and also the revisions to the titles of royal family and lost characteristics of Goryeo as an empire due to rewriting. Since they were deleted from Goryeosa, the investigator collected concerned materials in the epigraphs, collections of works, and diplomatic documents of the times through comparison. The present study demonstrated that Goryeo adopted the imperial system by putting together its various characteristics and showed the characteristics of Goryeo's royal family briefly by examining the patterns of its diverse titles. The study also put together and sorted out various findings in previous studies and arranged the content, thus holding its significance.

高麗時代 王室文庫에 관한 考察

임지혜 동덕여자대학교 대학원 2002 국내석사

우리 나라 선현들은 삼국시대, 고려시대 및 조선시대에 이르기까지 각 시대의 國策에 따라 적합한 서적문화 창달에 많은 노력을 기울여 왔다. 그러나 현재 극히 적은 수의 역사 사료들만이 전해지기 때문에 각 시대의 도서관사에 대해서는 명확하게 밝혀지지 않았다. 왕실문고는 서적의 수입·보관·열람봉사 등의 기능을 수행하며, 왕·왕실·조정대신들이 이용을 하였던 전각을 일컫는다. 왕실문고는 주로 서적 보관을 위한 장서처의 역할을 하였지만, 정보제공을 위한 학술기관으로서의 역할과 왕의 고문에 응하는 참고봉사의 기능도 갖추었던 것으로 연구되었다. 고려시대의 왕실문고 역할을 수행한 전각들을 살펴보면 첫째, 문덕전은 장경적·치문한의 역할을 수행한 숙종 시대의 왕실문고였다. 둘째, 연영전은 현종·숙종 시대에 掌經籍·備顧問의 기능을 수행하였던 왕실문고였다. 셋째, 비각, 비서각은 동일한 전각의 명칭으로 추측된다. 이들 전각들은 서적을 수집·보관·유지·열람·교환하였으며, 판본 소장·간행의 임무도 맡은 왕실문고였다. 문종 시대에는 秘閣이 문고로써의 역할이 나타나는 시기이며, 비서각 관련 기사는 숙종 때부터 보인다. 넷째, 長齡殿은 숙종·예종 시대에 강의·강연 등의 역할을 하였던 왕실문고였다. 다섯째, 청연각과 보문각은 예종 시대에 동시에 나타난다. 여러 사료들을 통해서 두 전각은 왕실문고 기능을 수행하였던 동일한 기관으로, 서로 보완적인 관계에 있었다. 여섯째, 서적소는 궐밖에 임시로 설치된 문고로써, 차츰 왕실문고의 기능을 발휘하면서 고려 중기 이후의 서적관리에 있어서 중요한 역할을 하였다. 일곱째, 임천각은 서긍의「高麗圖經」을 통해서 왕실문고의 기능을 수행하였다는 것을 알 수 있다. 이상과 같이 고려시대 왕실문고들은 일정하게 정해진 하나의 전각만이 왕실문고의 기능을 수행한 것이 아니라, 각 王의 時代別로 전각의 명칭과 기능이 자주 변화되었다. The Korean ancient sages exerted themselves to develop the culture of publication suitable for national policy of each period from the age of three kingdoms through Koryo dynasty to Choson dynasty. At present, however, very rarely do historical records hand down, so the history of library of each age has not been definitely proven yet. The historical documents such as 'History of Koryo-i , 'Epitome of Koryo history_j , 'Drawing Book of Koryo-i , rSupplemented Literature Reference-i , and 'Description of Yeonryo Chamber-i were used to study the royal palaces which served as a royal library in the age of Koryo Dynasty. In addition, a comparative analysis was conducted for research materials and historical materials by preceding researchers, through which the royal palace used as a royal library in the age of Koryo dynasty was reinvestigated The royal library used by king, royal family, and the courts existed within palace, functioning as book archives, learning activities, and reference service. The royal library mainly played a role in collection of books to take custody of books along with a function as reference service to advise king as well as an academic institute to provide information. The royal palaces in the age of Koryo dynasty which could be really called a royal library were reinvestigated via predecessor' studies and books. That is, the royal palaces claimed as royal library by them were Mundeokjeon, Bikak, Biseokak, Biseoseong, Seojeokso, Seojeokbo, Suseowon, Yeonyungjeon, Imcheonkak, Jangnyungjeon, Jungkwangjeon, Cheongyeonkak, Bomunkak, Myoru, and Cheonjangkak. The reinvestigation of the literatures related with the above libraries showed a fact that Biseoseong, Seojeokbo, Seojeokwon, Suseowon, Jungkwangjeon, Saris, and Chunjangkak were insufficient as a royal library. For example, Biseoseong was a palace where necessary classical books for kingdom was printed, and Seojeokwon lacked historical materials, so it was difficult to conclude for them to serve as a royal library. Seojeokbo was an institute which took charge of place for collection within Kukj akam, Suseowon was a governmental library built to bring up the best brains living in rural community in Seokyung, and Jungkwangjeon owned the historical materials as a king's private quarters rather than a library. Saris made use of king and the courts' rest Place. Chunjangkak was a museum for the royal family. The royal palaces which served as a royal library in the age of Koryo dynasty were concluded as follows: First, Mundeokjeon was a royal library which functioned as book archives and learning activities in the reign of King Sukjong. Second, Yeonyungjeon was a royal library which had a same function with Yeonyungjeon in the reign of King Hyunjong and King Sukjong. Third, Bikak and Biseokak are inferred to one and same building, where books were collected, kept, maintained, perused, and exchanged, together with possession of woodblock printed books and publication. Bikak served as a royal library in the reign of King Munjong, while some accounts related with Biseokak appeared from the reign of King Sukjong. Fourth, Jangnyunjeon was a royal library where lectures and addresses were conducted in the reign of King Sukjong and King Yejong. Fifth & Sixth, Cheongyunkak and Bomunkak appeared simultaneously in the reign of Yejong. Considering several historical materials, they were same institutes who functioned as a royal library in a complementary relationship. Seventh, Seojeokso which first served as a temporary royal library soon played an important role in managing books after the middle of Koryo. Eighth, Imcheonkak was shown to carry out a function of royal library through Seokeung's 'Drawing book of Koryo, . Investigation of these royal libraries showed that one royal palace did not implement only a regularly fixed function but their names and functions were changed under the reign of kings.

高麗前期 財政構造硏究

안병우 서울大學校 大學院 1994 국내박사