戦後日本の在日コリアン教育政策と運動における 「多文化共生」のイデオロギー性

ナカムラ, ヒロシ 韓國外國語大學校 國際地域大學院 2015 국내박사

The ideology characteristics of ‘tabunka-kyosei’ in the education policy and movement of Korean Residents in Post-War Japan Discussion about the identity education of Korean residents in Japan hasn’t been active enough in the 2000’s. This is in part because of the change of generation of the Koreans residing in Japan accompanied by the declining of their interest in nationality and ethnicity. It is also due to the influence of globalization that led to the weakening of their national consciousness. There has been a lot of discussions about the current status of the Korean residents’ identity education. However, although the Japanese government’s education policy? called “tabunka-kyosei”?got into full swing in the 2000s, no precedence study on its influence on the Korean residents’ identity education has yet been found. Japan is a multiethnic society including such minority groups as the Chinese, Japanese-Brazilians, and the Korean residents. Of specific gravity and size among these are the Korean population. Naturally, the Korean residents might have been the first target of Japan’s “tabunka-kyosei” education policy. However, this policy simply brought the newcomer populations into focus, neglecting gradually the Korean residents as an educational target group. Taking these problems into account, the present thesis examines the Korean residents’ education in relation to the ideology of “tabunka-kyosei” education policy. Around 1990, Japan began to notice the ever-increasing number of the newcomers in all parts of Japanese society. Thus, there was a pressing need to deal with the problems of those populations and their children’s life in the new land. The “tabunka-kyosei” education began in such situation. It seemed similar to the situations in Canada and Australia where multiculturalism policy had been adopted, but it was not clear whether there was any relationship between “tabunka-kyosei” and “multiculturalism.” There is a lot in common between the background of the Canadian or Australian multiculturalism policy and the UN-authorized international agreement on the rights of minority. The international agreement on minority has an ideology of “antidiscrimination, respect for human rights, and security of self-identity.” But the Japanese government was developing an integration policy as opposed to “antidiscrimination, respect for human rights, and security of self-identity.” The integration policy was to be used in the education of different cultural groups like Korean residents in Japan. Thus, the Japanese government began to use the expression, “tabunka-kyosei” in 2005. “Tabunka-kyosei” is a Janapese-coined word after 1990. It is a biological term implying “mutualism,” “commensalism,” “one harm symbiosis,” and “parasitism.” But those who did not know the etymology overlooked such meanings. They used the term only as “mutualism” and started to use it as an idea needed in contacting different culture groups. The possible negative meaning of “kyosei” was not generally heeded. Rather, it was considered to be something good and believed to achieve the function of an ideology with “falseness.” In fact, the expression “tabunka-kyosei” made an effective image in public administration and such civic movements like NPOs. On the other hand, there were criticisms that the ideological function of the term “tabunka-kyosei” was not duly heeded. Most criticisms were against the flood of the term and the lack of the government’s implementing policies. To understand the ideological function of “tabunka-kyosei,” the present thesis uses the four concepts?“mutualism,” “commensalism,” “one harm symbiosis,” and “parasitism” in evaluating the reality of Korean residents’ education policy in post-World War II Japan. An index of evaluation was made for the “security” of identity which could be judged most clearly. As a result, it was found that “parasitism” continued as a government policy in postwar Japan. It has been developed to be consistent and parallel with the integration policy toward the Korean residents after the war. Thus, the “parasitism” has been continued in “tabunka-kyosei.” The local self-governing body’s policies toward the Koreans were found positive. They accepted the ideology of “antidiscrimination, respect for human rights, and security of identity.” The local policies were developed to be contrary to the central government’s policy that considered the Koreans not as a part of the Japanese “nation” or “citizens” but as “residents” in Japan. What made local policies favorable to the Koreans was the “struggle” or “fight” of Koreans in Japan. It was also the result of the original policy of each independent local government that embraced the innovative heads. But the local governments supported by conservative populations only shouldered the central government’s policy without “struggle.” This can’t be evaluated as “mutualism.” The citizen groups like NPOs that began to have concern with “tabunka-kyosei” education in the middle of the 1990s started their activities to communicate with newcomers by good will, while they didn’t have enough understanding about the Korean residents’ education. Their main concern was with the newcomers’ adaptation to Japanese culture?particularly with their aggressive acquisition of Japanese language. This is tied up and complementing with the central government’s educational integration policy. It can’t be evaluated as “mutualism,” either. Unlike the central government and local self-governing bodies, the Korean residents started their educational movement with the ideology of “antidiscrimination, respect for human rights, and security of identity.” It is possible to evaluate the period around 1980 to 1995 as a period of “mutualism.” But, while such issues as Imperial Japan’s “invasion” and “the flag of Hinomaru and the song of Kimigayo,” etc. were discussed in the Korean residents’ education, they were missing in the “tabunka-kyosei” education in the areas densely populated by the newcomers. In such areas, the local governments just pursued policies on educational facilities and equipment, maintenance, environmental conditions, etc. They could come off the more fundamental and essential issues of “antidiscrimination, respect for human rights, and security identity.” There was a disputant who said that “tabunka-kyosei” education in the areas where newcomers were densely populated took the idea of “kyosei” that the Korean residents’ educational movement pointed to by succeedingly using the expression “mutualism.” But, as mentioned earlier, it didn’t aim at “security of identity” but complemented the central government’s integration policy without any “continuity of mutualism.” It is called “untruth in continuity.” With the advent of the 2000’s, on the other hand, the Japanese government adopted the expression “tabunka-kyosei,” which gave the impression of something good and was expected to turn and redirect the integration policy (a discontinuity policy). It is called “untruth in discontinuity.” The “tabunka-kyosei” policy couldn’t see through this untruth. Even though the government strongly began to insist on “tabunka-kyosei” in 2005, they were criticized for overlooking the fact that it was essentially a kind of prolongation of the integration policy. In the final analysis, it was the function of the ideology of “tabunka-kyosei” that involved the Korean residents’ education movement into the flow of “tabunka-kyosei” education. The local self-governing bodies and citizen groups like NPOs certainly took the initiatives in making that ideology function, but what made this possible the most was the intrinsic power of the Korean residents’ education movement itself. Discussed in this thesis are the “continuity” and “discontinuity” of the ideological orientation of Korean residents’ education movement in postwar Japan. At the same time, It was made clear that an “untruth” inherently resided in “tabunka-kyosei” that declared “kyosei,” but not “sosei” (mutualism).

일본어 격조사 ‘に'에 대응하는 한국어 표현 교육방안 : 'に'의 '에' 이외의 표현을 중심으로

ナカムラ, ミカ 韓國外國語大學校 敎育大學院 2006 국내석사

日本語助詞「に」と韓国語助詞「에」は、お互いに類似点が多いため、日本語を母語とする韓国語学習者は、助詞「に」をそのまま韓国語助詞「에」で表現しやすい。しかし、中には「に=에」以外で表現する場合もあり、それを把握してないと誤用を招く可能性がある。よって、本稿の目的は、日本語助詞「に」を韓国語で表現する際に、「に=에」と一致しないものを中心に形態別に分類し、特徴を明らかにすることにある。また、その形態の中でも学習者が誤用を招きやすい形態を把握し、その部分に対する効果的な指導法を提案するところにある。 まず、第2章では、日本語「に」と韓国語「에」の助詞分類上の位置、格助詞としての機能、そして意味用法について対照した。その結果、日本語「に」が韓国語「에」よりも表現領域が広いことを確認した。 第3章では、「に=에」以外で表現される形態、つまり、「に=에게/한테/께/더러/보고」型、「に=이/가」型、「に=로/으로」型、「に=을/를」型、「に=러/으러」型に分類し、それぞれの特徴について述べた。 第4章では、日本語圈の韓国語学習者が助詞「に」を韓国語に表現する際に、どのように認識しているのかについて、中級レベル以上の韓国語学習者を対象にアンケート調査を行い分析した。その結果、「に=을/를」型の用法である「外出名詞+に+行く」と「自動詞の対象」について、学習者の認識が一番低いのを確認した。その次に、認識度が低かったのが「に=이/가」型の用法である「~てもらう文」と「迷惑受身文」の表現であった。よって、本稿では、認識度が低かった表現、つまり正答率が低かった「に=을/를」型の用法と「に=이/가」型の用法についての指導法を提案した。 本稿では、助詞「に=에」以外の韓国語表現とその指導方法について言及してきたが、学習者へよりよい指導を行うためには、今後とも持続的な研究が必要である。特に、「に=을/를」型の「に=을/를型 動詞」目録については、語彙頻度数と関連させ、より具体的な目録を完成させる必要があるが、これについては筆者の今後の研究課題とする。

일본에서의 한류와 한국인에 대한 인식 변화 : 삿포로 한국어학습자를 중심으로

ナカムラ, マユ 韓國外國語大學校 國際地域大學院 2012 국내석사

The purpose of this research is to analyze and understand how Korean wave changed the image of Korea in Japan. The research data were collected through interviews. The interviewees are 8 Japanese people who are studying Korean language in Korean education center in Sapporo. Due to TV dramas Korean wave was rapidly spread in Japan and gained popularity. Also, it is known that Korean image was integrated in Japan society through consumption of Korean pop culture. The Korean drama ‘Winter Sonata’, in Japan it is called ‘Hyuyuoo sonar’ with Bae Yong- Joon broadcast in 2003 was the beginning of the Korean culture boom. In addition, Korean wave in Japan was mostly popular among Middle-aged women. As a result, Korean phenomena have brought enormous economic impact for both countries, at the same time the image of Korea in Japan has been changed in a positive way. Until now, the relationship between Korea and Japan depend on the historical and political issues. For a long time the image of Korea in Japan was judged from the point of the above problems. However, after Korean Wave many Japanese people was began to get the information about Korea on the internet and magazines .Korean language was started to learn, to travel to South Korea and other way of cultural activity, as well as watching Korean TV. In other words, that led to widespread interest in Japanese society to the Korean wave. Recently, a lot of Korean singers or actors work in Japan, it is not unusual anymore. Moreover, the Korean boom has already gained enormous popularity. Nowadays, Japan through the lens of Korean wave has great interest in Korea and Korean people.

逸脫抑止機能が期待される學校の規則の 問題点と改善策 : 日本の學校文化といじめ問題を通しての考察

ナカムラ, ヒロシ 韓國外國語大學校 國際地域大學院 2009 국내석사

일본에서 이지메 문제는 교육과 관련하여 심각한 사회 문제로 대두되고 있으며, 본고의 연구 목적도 ‘이지메 문제의 해결’ 지향을 목표로 하고 있다. 이지메 문제를 고찰하기 위해서는 우선, ‘이지메’ 에 대한 정의를 한다. 본고에서는 이지메 문제를 간과하지 않도록 우선 ’이지메 행위가 아니냐’ 라는 의심을 갖기 위해서, 가능한 한 간결하게 ‘어떤 집단 안에서, 일방적으로 심리적·물리적 방법으로 공격을 가하는 행위’ 를 ‘이지메’ 라고 정의하기로 한다. 또, 이지메 문제를 생각할 때 그 배경의 고찰도 필요하다. 아이들이 많은 시간을 보내고 룰(rule)이 기능하고 있어야 할 ‘학교’ 라고 하는 장소로서의 배경으로 교원이나 아이들은 어떻게 존재하고 있는가라는 ‘학교 문화’ 의 특징에 대해서 생각해 보면, 교원의 사사화(私事化)나 아이의 자존 감정의 강화라고 하는 변화가 중요한 배경이 될 수 있다. 학교 문화는 학교, 제도, 사람으로 구성되는데 사람인 교원이나 아이 자신이 변화하는 한편, 학교 제도는 기본적인 면에서 크게 변화가 없다. 그 중에서도 거의 변화하지 않는 것이 학교 규칙이다. 학교에서는 법률 대신에 이 규칙이 일탈 행동의 억제가 되어야 한다고 기대할 것이다. 그러나, 이지메 문제가 해결되지 않는 현실 속에서 학교 규칙이 이지메 문제를 억제시켰다고 볼 수 없다. 이지메 행위는 학교에서의 일탈 행위 즉, 이지메 가해자가 학교의 규칙이나 규범 관념을 벗어나 일으키는 가해 행위이기 때문에, 이 극복할 수 있는 ‘규칙의 기능’(제도적 측면)을 검토하는 것은 이지메 문제 해결을 위해서 필요한 것이다. 또, 학교와 같이 제재(sanction)가 없는 장소에서의 이지메 문제에 관해서는 가해자가 어떠한 사회규범에 동조하는가라는 연구가 중요하다. 규범 관념에 동조하여 자기규제를 할 수 있는 아이를 기르기 위해서는 사람이나 상황과의 만남, 접촉 가운데에서 행위를 ‘대립’ 이 아닌 ‘자기 판단’이 가능한 ‘측정(measure)’ , ‘조율(scale)’ 이 되는 규범이 필요하며, 그것은 판단 기준이 되는 ‘원칙(原則)’ 을 나타내는 것에 의해 가능해진다. 사회에서 최소 필요한 것은 ‘남의 권리·자유를 침해하지 않는다’ 라는 것이며, 남의 권리·자유를 침해할 가능성이 있는 개인의 욕구를 합의를 통해서 포기 또는 억제시키는 것이다. 그 때문에 T.Hirschi가 제창한 ‘본드 이론(Bond Theory)’과 타케가와 이쿠오(竹川郁夫)의 ‘상황 적합성 룰(状況適合性ル-ル)’을 원용·검토하여 일탈 행동을 억제하는 기능이 기대되는 학교 규칙의 방법을 고찰한다. 본드 이론에서 빌리프(belief)로 불리는 규범 관념에 대한 동조는 준법 의식이 아니다. 준법 의식은 법 내용과 상관없이 법을 지키는 것이 강조되며, 규범 관념에 대한 동조는 ‘자기를 컨트롤(control)하다’ 라는 의미로 자기 규제로 불려야 하는 것이다. 자기규제는 자율적일 때 비로서 기능하는 것이며, 외부로부터 강요 받는 것이 아니다.. 본드 이론에서의 ‘컨트롤’ 도 ‘개인에 기반을 둔 개념이며 개인이 사회와 결합되고 있는 상태를 가리키며, 개인이 스스로에 대해서 실시하는 억제 행동 또는 내면화된 억제 기능을 의미한다’ 라고 하는 것이며, 학교 규칙을 기능시킬 때 중요한 키워드가 된다. 또, 학교에서 규칙이 기능하기 위해서는 그 규칙에 스스로가 동의 할 수 있는 것이라는 어태치먼트(attachment)와 빌리프를 형성시키도록 만들어지는 것이 필요하고, 그렇게 하기 위해서 교원이 규칙을 일방적으로 정하지 않으며 규칙의 성립은 ‘상황 적합성 룰’ 의 성립 과정을 응용할 수 있다. 여기서 말하는 규칙은 반드시 명문화된 것을 의미하지 않으나, 이 규칙의 성립에는 반드시 ’원칙’ 과 모순이 없는지 검토가 필요하다. 룰(rule)은 인간이 상황에 따라 인위적으로 만들었기 때문에 변경시키는 것은 어려운 얄이 아니다. 규칙에 관해서 구태의연한 형식을 강요하고 있는 많은 학교는 규칙에 대한 구조와 기능을 근본적으로 재검토해야 할 시기이며, 계속 연구해야 할 과제이기도 하다. The bullying problem is serious social issues still related to the education now in Japan. It is the one that the research purpose of this text also aims at "resolution of bullying problem." To consider the bullying problem, "Bully" is defined. Because the bullying problem is not overlooked, in the meaning with the doubt first of all, saying that "Isn't it a bullying act?" as concisely as possible "Act of attacking it in a one-sided, psychological, physical method in a certain group" is assumed the definition of word "Bully" When thinking about the bullying problem, it is necessary to consider the background. Children spend a lot of time, and there is a place "School" in which the rule is sure to function. Then, if the characteristic of "School culture" is seen by thinking based on the background how it exists in the teacher and children, it is thought that the change of strengthening the teacher's making to the personal matter and child's self respects is an important background of the bullying problem. The school culture is composed of the thing, the system, and the person. And, while the teacher and the child who is the person have been changed, the school system is changeless in a basic point with the length. The one that changes especially hardly is a rule of the school. It was to have been expected that this rule had to become the deterrent of the deviating action in place of the law in the school. However, from the reality that the bullying problem is not lost, it can be thought that the rule of the school was not a deterrent of the bullying act. The bullying act is a deviating act at the school. In a word, it is a harm act of causing it by the bullying assailant getting over the rule of the school and the standard idea. Therefore, it is necessary to examine this "Function of the rule" (system side) to got over for the resolution of bullying problem. Moreover, the investigation how the assailant tunes it to the prescriptive social norm is important for the bullying problem in the place without sanction like the school. To bring up the child who can self-regulate in meeting and the contac of the person and the situation, the standard that becomes "Majors" and "Scale" to cut the act by no "Comparison" it and "Self-judgment" is necessary to tune to the standard idea. It becomes possible by showing "Principle" that becomes the standard of the judgment. The one assumed to be a minimum necessary for the society is "Others' neither right nor freedoms are violated." The desire of the individual with the possibility of violating others' right and freedoms is made to abandon and to be controlled by mutual consent. We examine it by invoking "Bond theory" that T. Hirschi advocated and Takekawa Ikuo's "Situation adaptability rule" for this purpose, and search for the ideal way of the rule of the school where the function to control the deviating action is expected. The tune to the standard idea that is called a belief by the bond theory is not law-abiding consideration. As for the law-abiding consideration, it is emphasized to defend the method the content of the law can be what. The tune to the standard idea should be called self-regulation in the meaning "The self is controlled". Self-regulation is not the one compelled from and the outside of function by autonomous. When "Control" in the bond theory is "It is a concept to assume the individual to be a base, the state that the individual is relating to the society is indicated, and it means the control system that the individual does own of controlling and acting or being made inside" the one, and when the rule of the school is made to function, it becomes an important key. Moreover, it is necessary to be made like making the attachment and the belief that we can agree to the rule so that the rule may function at the school. The teacher doesn't one-sidedly declare the rule for that and the approval of the rule can apply the approval process of the situation adaptability rule. It is necessary to examine whether there must not be contradiction with "Principle" in the approval of this rule though a rule here may not be necessarily the one made an express statement. It is not too difficult to make it change because the rule is what man produced artificially according to the situation. It is thought that a lot of schools that keep defending the form assumed to be old-fashioned for the rule are time when you may fundamentally reexamine the structure and the function of the rule.