A comparative analysis of the humanitarian intervention model : A Libyan and Syrian case study

Dumont, Yann Sylvain Hien 서강대학교 국제대학원 2018 국내석사

Anti-Japanese sentiment in South Korea and education : a comparative study of the Philippines and South Korea = 한국의 반일 감정과 교육 : 필리핀과 한국의 비교 연구

Kanai, Suguru 서강대학교 국제대학원 2020 국내석사

한국의 반일 감정은 강도의 측면에서 매우 독특하다. 이 강한 반일 정서는 1965 년 한일 외교 정상화 이후에도 사라지지 않았으며 시간이 지남에 따라 오히려 더 강해졌다. 현재 일본과의 관계가 정상화 되어있는 다른 국가에서는 이러한 강력한 반일 감정이 보이지 않는다. 이 반일 감정의 독특함은 현재의 한일 관계에 영향을 미치는 요인으로 간주 될 수 있다. 역사, 정치, 경제 및 문화적 설명과 같은 다양한 관점에서 한국의 반일 감정에 대한 기존의 설명이 네 가지로 나뉘어져 있는 것은 틀림 없다. 이 모든 기존의 설명은 한국인들이 일본에 대해 적대감을 느꼈다는 이유를 이해할 수 있다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 이러한 설명은 한국의 반일 감정의 독특한 특성에 기여하는 특정 요인을 식별하는 데 부족하다. 따라서 이 연구는 교육을 누락 된 설명 변수 중 하나로 묘사 할 것이다. 이 가설을 검증하기 위해 필리핀의 사례와 비교 분석을 수행했다. 필리핀 사건은 제 2 차 세계 대전 동안 일본의 점령을 경험 한 동남아시아 국가들을 대표한다. 여기서 필리핀과 한국은 일본과 비슷한 외교 관계를 경험했다는 점에 주목해야한다. 이 비교 사례 분석은 교육이 한국과 필리핀 사이에 일본의 반일 감정에 독립적 인 차이를 만들었다는 걸 증명했다. 일본과 한국의 현재 악화되고 있는 관계를 개선하기 위해서는 한국의 독특한 반일 정서의 중요한 요소를 명확히 하는 것이 매우 유익하다. The Anti-Japanese sentiment in South Korea is very unique in terms of intensity. This intense sentiment has not disappeared even after the Japan-South Korea diplomatic normalization in 1965 and has rather intensified with time. As of today, this intense Anti-Japanese sentiment is not observed in other countries that have normalized relations with Japan. The uniqueness of this Anti-Japanese sentiment can be considered as a factor influencing the current Japan-South Korea relations. Arguably, there are four strands of existing explanations for the Anti-Japanese sentiment in South Korea from various perspectives, such as historical, political, economic, and cultural explanation. All these existing explanations are intelligible to reason that South Korean people have felt hostility toward Japan. Nevertheless, these explanations come short of identifying the specific factor contributing to the unique nature of the Anti-Japanese sentiment in South Korea. Therefore, this research will portray education as one of the missing explanatory variables. In order to verify this hypothesis, this research conducts a comparative case analysis with the Philippines case. The Philippines case represents Southeast Asian countries that have experienced the Japanese occupation during the Second World War. It should be noted here that both the Philippines and South Korea have experienced similar diplomatic relations with Japan. This comparative case analysis proved that education has made an independent difference in Anti-Japanese sentiment between South Korea and the Philippines. It is very beneficial to clarify a significant factor of the unique Anti-Japanese sentiment in South Korea to improve the current worsening relations between Japan and South Korea.

Clausewitz and the Ukraine War : How Would Clausewitz Evaluate the War?

마가희 서강대학교 국제대학원 2024 국내석사

This research evaluates the Russia-Ukraine conflict through the lens of Carl von Clausewitz's theory. Even when Russia amassed along the Ukrainian border, world leaders, analysts, and the international press anticipated the overwhelming dominance of the Russian military. However, as the war commenced, the situation differed from their speculations, and Ukraine demonstrated unexpected resistance. The conflict has persisted for almost two years. Within this context, understanding the internal factors of the war based on Clausewitz's theory would not only decipher the prolonged causes of the conflict but also enable predictions about the future. Two centuries ago, military strategist Clausewitz argued that for a nation to triumph in war, a delicate equilibrium must be maintained between the trinity of the people, the military, and the government. Furthermore, he emphasized through the assertion that "war is merely the continuation of politics by other means" that top policymakers must possess clear political objectives. Without distinct goals, even if successful militarily, there might be a risk of political defeat. From Clausewitz's perspective, evaluating the Russia-Ukraine war reveals Russia's failure in achieving the trinity balance of war. There was a lack of active support from the citizens, an inadequate military, and a government that failed to present clear political objectives. Particularly, Putin's erroneous establishment of the political objective to control the entirety of Ukraine led to the protraction of the war. Ultimately, Russia failed to articulate distinct political objectives and failed to employ the appropriate means. Even if Russia were to achieve military victory, the war is essentially a loss. For Russia to succeed in achieving policy objectives in the war, it is imperative to restore the trinity balance now and articulate clear political objectives. 본 연구는 칼 본 클라우제비츠의 이론으로 러시아-우크라이나 전쟁을 평가 한다. 러시아가 우크라이나 국경에 밀집할 때만 하더라도 세계 지도자들과 분석가들 은 러시아 군대의 압도적인 우세를 예상했다. 하지만, 전쟁이 시작되자 그들의 추측 과는 다른 상황이 벌어졌고 우크라이나는 예상치 못한 저항을 보여줬다. 이 전쟁은 2 년 가까이 지속되고 있다. 이러한 상황에서 클라우제비츠의 이론을 바탕으로 전쟁 내 부적인 요인을 파악하는 일은 전쟁이 장기화된 원인을 파악하는 동시에 앞으로의 미 래를 예측할 수 있게 할 것이다. 200년 전, 군사 전략가인 클라우제비츠는 한 국가가 전쟁에서 승리하려면 국민, 군대, 정부로 이루어진 삼위일체의 균형을 맞추어야 함을 주장했다. 또한, 그는 ‘전쟁은 단지 정치의 또다른 연장’이라는 주장을 통해 최고정책결정자는 명확한 정 치적 목표를 가져야 한다고 강조했다. 명확한 목표가 없는 경우, 군사적으로는 승리 할지라도 정치적으로는 패배할 우려가 있다는 것이다. 클라우제비츠의 시각에서 러시아-우크라이나 전쟁을 평가하면, 러시아는 전쟁의 삼위일체의 균형을 맞추는 것에 실패했다. 국민들의 소극적 지지와 부실한 군 대, 명확한 정치적 목표를 제시할 정부의 역할이 부족했다. 특히, 푸틴은 우크라이나 전체를 장악하려는 정치적 목표를 잘못 설정함으로써 전쟁을 장기전으로 이끄는 원 인을 제공했다. 결국, 러시아는 명확한 정치적 목표를 제시하지 못하고 그에 따른 수 단을 제대로 사용하지 못한 것이다. 러시아가 군사적으로 승리하더라도 전쟁은 이미 진 것이나 다름없다. 러시아가 전쟁에서 정책 목적 달성에 성공하려면, 지금이라도 삼위일체의 균형을 맞추고, 명확한 정치적 목표를 제시해야 할 것이다.

Conspiracy theory and nationalism in liberal democracy

Parker, Jeremy Charles 서강대학교 국제대학원 2016 국내석사

The internet revolution has transformed the information environment. One of the more notable aspects of this phenomenon has been the apparent rise of the conspiracy theory. Many consider this to be a threat to liberal democracy, predominantly by causing skepticism and disengagement of the electorate. Using the events of 9/11 as its main focus, this thesis examines the reality behind the media hype, assessing the actual effects of conspiracy theories on liberal democracy. It finds that, whilst more accessible, conspiracy theories in the internet age have failed to gain any significant further traction and pose a very limited threat to liberal democracy. This study has found that it is the ‘liberal’ nature of liberal democracy (the existence of civil liberties within society rather than political liberties) that provides a check on the take-up of conspiracy theories. It also highlights the causal link between nationalism and belief in conspiracy theories. This thesis finds that political freedoms, education and debunking have a relatively limited effect on the number of adherents to conspiracy theories. It also finds that conspiracy theories more often reflect levels of nationalism already present within a particular nation or subset of society. This study hypothesizes that the key drivers hindering the challenge to dangerous nationalism are the close proximity or influence of hegemons and a poor level of successful integration of minority groups within a society.

AN ANALYSIS OF ASEAN STRATEGIC CULTURES: THE CASE OF SOUTH CHINA SEA DISPUTE

Galas, Jan Vincent Sogang Graduate School of International Studies 2018 국내박사

The ASEAN strategic cultures are products of politicized national identities which, in turn, have been shaped by the defense ministries. The security policies of Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Vietnam diverge into two different approaches in dealing with China in the context of South China Sea dispute. The Philippines and Vietnam foster a strategic culture of assertiveness, while Malaysia and Brunei exhibit a culture of discreetness. Unilaterally, the Philippines and Vietnam have been posturing a norm of rivalry by publicly insisting Chinese intrusion regarding the disputed area, while Malaysia and Brunei have been downplaying and avoiding the issue. Multilaterally, the Philippines and Vietnam constantly call for collaboration to operationalize the ARF from a confidence-building platform into an inclusive preventive diplomacy avenue; although in principle, Malaysia and Brunei accommodate the call, in practice, they deny non-state actors to be involved in the discussions and negotiations regarding security matters. These strategic cultures are not neutral or impartial. The defense ministries resort to such mechanisms to complement their material interests by politicizing national identities of sovereignty and national prosperity, which are accepted and internalized by their respective countries. With all things constant, the contribution of strategic culture in the analysis of Sino-ASEAN relations regarding South China Sea dispute lies in the ability to provide an additional diagnostic tool in further understanding the internal factors of decision making processes beyond rational choice theory. It does not aim to debunk material justifications, instead it provides a space for ideational explanations in order to have a holistic understanding of the issue. Exposing the identities and norms of the four ASEAN countries can be leveraged to search for solutions in improving Sino-ASEAN relations in the South China Sea dispute.

Religious Nationalism and Sino-India Relations : the Second Image Analysis of India’s Hedging Policy towards China

주인애 서강대학교 국제대학원 2018 국내박사

Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India has pursued a hedging policy against China by seeking much closer alignment with the United States and at the same time maintaining stable bilateral diplomatic relations with China. Such policy behavior of Modi government is considered deviant from the past foreign policy decisions conducted by the previous Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh. This comparative case analysis provides the comparison between policy decisions of Manmohan Singh and that of Narendra Modi in terms of its great power relations. This paper argues that one of the key determinants to India’s hedging against China is the political ideology of the ruling party. The underpinning ideology of Hindu nationalism led the policy decision makers to depart from previous Nehruvian principle and to react more sensitively to the security challenges. In the contemporary era of right-wing populism, the analysis of India’s hedging strategy yields a significant implication considering India is in the center of geopolitical strategic importance with the rise of new strategic realm called Indo-pacific.

Case study on Cambodia's foreign policy in the middle of escalating the US-China competition focusing on internal and external factors

Doung, Chandy 서강대학교 국제대학원 2021 국내석사

This research traces how Cambodia responded to the US-China competition from 2010-2020 and the factors that shaped Cambodia’s foreign policy during that period. Case analyses suggest that Cambodia’s foreign policy was not monolithic; it was in flux. The change of Cambodia’s foreign policy was caused not just by external but also by internal factors. Internal factors include political dynamics, economy, and security. External factors include changes in the US’s foreign policy from Pivot to Asia to America First and the increasing influence of China on Cambodia. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, the research suggests that the internal factors were more significant than the external ones. Domestic issues were the primary cause of change in Cambodia’s foreign policy towards the great powers. Cambodia’s concern about its internal political stability, economic growth, and security brought about changes in its foreign policy. Furthermore, these domestic factors played a key role in affecting other countries’ foreign policies towards Cambodia. Violation of human rights and suppression of democracy in Cambodia led to political pressures and sanctions from abroad.

Burden-sharing in the ROK-US alliance : intra-alliance bargaining amid US-China competition in East Asia : 미중경쟁과 한미동맹의 협상력

신동혁 서강대학교 국제대학원 2021 국내석사

The thesis investigates the effect of international polarity on the intra-alliance bargaining power in the Republic of Korea-United States military alliance. By expanding Snyder’s ‘scoring element of alliance bargaining,’ the thesis attempts to quantify the intra-alliance bargaining power change in the ROK-US alliance during the three most significant shifts in polarity in East Asia that the alliance has experienced. The analysis of the ROK-US alliance management in the 1950s, 70s, and 90s reveals that the change in power distribution to bipolarity increased the intra-alliance bargaining power of the ROK. The shift from bipolarity to unipolarity increased the US’s bargaining strength. The ROK’s ‘national value’ growth increased its bargaining power; however, the cost of bandwagoning behavior had increased correspondingly. The bipolar competition has resurged in Asia shored up by the rise of China and the US’s determination to balance the rising power. The growing assertiveness of China’s foreign policy and the US’s strong will to retain leadership in the Indo-Pacific intensifies the bipolar competition. The emerging bipolar order has increased the ROK’s intra-alliance bargaining power; yet, the ROK’s bargaining power would regress in the protracted bipolar order. The augmented ‘national value’ of the ROK increased the cost of bandwagoning options, which would force the ROK to align closely with the US’s security strategies in Asia in the prolonged bipolarity.

Reconceptualizing Finlandization : Geographical, Historical, Political, and Cultural Dimensions : 핀란드화의 재개념화: 지리, 역사, 정치, 문화적 요소를 중심으로

노운주 서강대학교 국제대학원 2022 국내석사

Despite extensive debates on Finlandization, it has still not been precisely conceptualized in international relations research. Finlandization has been applied liberally to other regions across the world where it does not quite fit. This study conceptualizes Finlandization as an accommodation strategy characterized by low fear and autonomy based on a modification of David Kang’s model of a strategic alignment spectrum. This research examines the factors that create conditions amenable to Finlandization through MSSD (The Most Similar System Design): geographical factors, the historical relationship with the Finlandizer, consensus-based democracy, and cultural affinity. Comparative case analyses on Finland, Estonia, Poland, and Czechoslovakia are presented for this purpose. This study also analyzes how Finlandization is seen through the view of the Finlandizer based on a wedge strategy. Finally, it examines whether the application of Finlandization in Taiwan is ultimately a reasonable option for parties involved in this seemingly intractable issue. 냉전 시기 핀란드의 대소 관계 정책으로 알려진 핀란드화는 많은 논쟁에도 불구하고 국제관계학계에서 제대로 개념화 되지 못했다. 이는 여러 조건이 맞지 않는 다른 지역에서의 무분별한 핀란드화 모델 적용으로 이어졌다. 이에 본 연구는 데이비드 강이 제시한 기존의 전략 정렬 스펙트럼(The spectrum of alignment strategies)에서 공포(fear)와 자율성(autonomy) 수준을 추가한 사분면 모델을 제시하며, 핀란드화를 낮은 공포(fear)와 자율성(autonomy)을 가진 수용 정책으로 정의한다. 또한 최대유사체계분석 방법을 이용하여 핀란드와 지리적, 역사적으로 유사한 위치를 가졌지만 핀란드화를 실행하지 못했던 에스토니아, 폴란드, 체코슬로바키아의 사례를 비교 연구하여 핀란드에서 핀란드화가 가능했던 요인들을 알아보았다. 이 과정에서 핀란드화를 지리적, 역사적, 정치적, 문화적 요소에서 분석해보고 핀란드화의 조건들을 연구한다. 더불어 핀란다이저(Finlandizer)의 관점에서 본 핀란드화를 쐐기 전략 이론을 바탕으로 분석하며 기존의 핀란드화 연구의 한계를 극복하고자 한다. 마지막으로 앞서 얻어진 결과를 통하여 핀란드화 적용에 대한 논의가 활발하게 이어지고 있는 대만의 핀란드화 가능성을 타진해본다.

China's belt and road initiative in Southeast Asia : strengthening relations through transport infrastructure connectivity

Wang, Zhiyi 서강대학교 국제대학원 2023 국내박사

Since Chinese President Xi Jinping began his norm-breaking third term, more attention has been paid to his foreign policies against the backdrop of the escalating Sino- US rivalry. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has aroused broad debates as it has been Xi’s flagship foreign policy for the past ten years (2013-2023). This study explores the role of the BRI transport infrastructure connectivity in China’s relations with Southeast Asian countries within the context of the Sino-US rivalry and why Southeast Asian countries respond to BRI differently regarding the transport infrastructure connectivity. The study utilizes Khanna’s concept to emphasize the significance of physical geography and manmade connectivity in forming cooperative relations among countries, but rejects Khanna’s argument that national borders and sovereignty are not important. The analysis shows the BRI transport infrastructure connectivity and the physical geography have strengthened China’s relations with the Southeast Asian countries. The geographical features in addition to the economic connections of each country contributes to the different responses of Southeast Asian countries to China’s BRI transport infrastructure connectivity. First, the Southeast Asian countries that China can access through land infrastructures are more likely to maintain better relations with China; second, countries with relatively weaker economies have a higher probability of being connected with China through the BRI transport infrastructure connectivity. The strengthening relations between China and Southeast Asian countries can help to reduce the risks of US-led containment to China amidst the Sino-US rivalry.