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      정치자금제도의 실태와 개선방안에 관한연구

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      https://www.riss.kr/link?id=T12926921

      • 저자
      • 발행사항

        전주: 전북대학교 행정대학원, 2012

      • 학위논문사항

        학위논문(석사) -- 전북대학교 행정대학원 , 행정학 , 2012. 8

      • 발행연도

        2012

      • 작성언어

        한국어

      • 주제어
      • 발행국(도시)

        전북특별자치도

      • 기타서명

        A Study on the Current Status of Political Finance System and Improvement Methods

      • 형태사항

        ⅷ, 92 p.: 삽화; 27 cm.

      • 일반주기명

        전북대학교 논문은 저작권에 의해 보호받습니다
        지도교수:주상현
        참고문헌 : p.88-89

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        • 전북대학교 중앙도서관 소장기관정보
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      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

      (Abstract) As it is enough to say that today's politics depend upon the ability and the skill that raise political funds properly and divide them efficiently, political funds are getting importance with a higher proportion in politics since the mode...

      (Abstract)
      As it is enough to say that today's politics depend upon the ability and the skill that raise political funds properly and divide them efficiently, political funds are getting importance with a higher proportion in politics since the modern era.
      The purpose of this study is to analyze the current operation of Korea's political finance system in terms of party expenditure, supporters association, donation, and government subsidies and suggest improvement plans, analyzing the operation condition and problems of political finance system based on this research.
      Therefore, this study was used the parties' general activity situation, a financial report, the Political Fund Law, and previous studies as reference data. to analyze the study subject, purpose, and scope efficiently as above,
      According to such kind of study , the major contents are as follows.
      Chapter 1 explains the study purpose, scope, and plans as introduction. Chapter 2 explains the meaning of political finance system as the theoretical discussion of political funds. The major contents deal with characteristics of political funds and basic principles for funding and expenditure of political funds as well as the system and structure of political funds. In addition, this chapter conducts a comparative analysis on political finance systems of major advanced countries such as England, America, and German and reviews precedent studies accordingly and examines the frame of analysis.
      Chapter 3 analyzes and evaluates the current operation condition and problems of political funds.
      Chapter 4 suggests the ways to operate political funds efficiently through the problems found by the analysis on the real condition of political funds.
      There are several limits to analyze the operation condition of Korea's political funds, and politicians' own operating funds rarely pass through the official process. Political funds, which a politician raises personally from the outside through a method unspecified in the Political Fund Law, are so illegal that they cannot be operated as the party's official political funds. It is not possible to analyze objective materials because each party operates money to run the party unofficially by some party executives up to the present.
      This study can draw the following issues based on political funds such as party expenditure, supporters association, donation, and government subsidies raised by the parties, supporters association, and National Election Commission.
      First, when it comes to party expenditure collection, it is hard for general party members to collect volunteer party expenditure due to political bad habits and habitual routines of bringing over to his/her party by giving money. Thus, party expenditure is generally considered to be collected by party officers, members of the National Assembly, and various election seekers for public office under the pretext of special party expenditure. Party expenditure of Korean parties has a difference in payment mostly depending on elected officials' positions. There are also special party expenditure and nomination donation. Accordingly, a large amount of nomination donation contributed for party expenditure and political deals becomes one of reasons for political corruption.
      Second, supporters associations have a problem. There is an concern of fairness between candidates to run in an election for public office because an appointor of supporters associations can have associations for the presidential election candidates, preliminary candidates, candidates chosen by ballot within a party, election candidates of members for the National Assembly, preliminary candidates, leadership campaign candidates of supporters’ association for a central party, but local government leader election candidates cannot have supporters associations for candidates of local election. So, the countermeasures are required and it needs to expand not only the scope of limited amount of fund-raising and donation from supporters associations but also the fund-raising subjects more than the current systems.
      Third, there is a donation problem, which is about the strict rules for individual maximum donation and the limit, causing the negotiation parties to focus on the distribution of donation.
      Fourth, appropriating government subsidies places too much emphasis on negotiation parties, which may make each party rely on government subsidies and therefore weaken the function for parties to support themselves as a baby depending on mother's milk. Giving much distribution to a parliamentary negotiation body is really a problem. That brings about the deprival of an opportunity that minor political parties can get to receive more subsidies and must find the alternative about it.
      In this study, the ways to improve the political finance system are summarized as follows.
      First, it needs to improve contribution toward party expenditure to stand on its feet through donation, provide incentives for party expenditure payers, and make public a large amount of party expenditure and payers.
      Second, the foundation for parties to support themselves should be built by expanding anonymous donation, supporters association system through diversification of collections, and allowing supporters’ association of the central or municipal and provincial party.
      Third, donators should be open to the public by making up for non-appointed donation system from the establishment of a publicly managed election through the expansion of donation collection and lifting the ceiling on donation and anonymous donation.
      Fourth, it needs to seek for the plans that can reduce the people's taxes by rationalizing standards for distribution and supply of government subsides, adopting the blank deduction system, making a flat sum system of maintenance expenditure, or paying differently depending on registering property in order to decrease provision of government subsides and use them for fair election.
      Lastly, lots of political funds are much used at election time to manage numerous organizations and manpower for political activities and election for public office, so transparent political funds should be operated reasonably. People pay more taxes for election, which needs to collect volunteer party expenditure and donation in order to reduce the people's burden on taxes. As donations is raised by National Election Commission but is not activated, incentives and political institutions for political activities are required, instead of reducing government subsidies with much tax burden.
      If the party can become independent on the people's support by activating collection of political finance system, Korea's party development and democratic government will take a step forward.

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      목차 (Table of Contents)

      • Abstract
      • 제1장 서론 1
      • 제1절 연구의 목적 1
      • 제2절 연구의 범위 및 방법 3
      • 1. 연구의 범위 3
      • Abstract
      • 제1장 서론 1
      • 제1절 연구의 목적 1
      • 제2절 연구의 범위 및 방법 3
      • 1. 연구의 범위 3
      • 2. 연구의 방법 4
      • 제2장 정치자금제도의 이론적 논의 5
      • 제1절 정치자금제도의 의의와 주요내용 5
      • 1. 정치자금제도의 의의와 주요내용 5
      • 2. 정치자금법의 체계와 구조 15
      • 3. 정치자금법의 성격 18
      • 4. 정치자금의 조달과 지출의 기본원칙 18
      • 제2절 주요 선진국의 정치자금제도 20
      • 1. 영국 21
      • 2. 미국 24
      • 3. 독일 29
      • 제3절 선행연구에 대한 검토 37
      • 제4절 연구 분석의 틀 38
      • 제3장 정치자금제도의 운용실태와 문제점 40
      • 제1절 정치자금제도의 주요변천 과정 40
      • 1. 정치자금의 연혁 40
      • 2. 정치자금의 개정 시기 및 주요내용 41
      • 제2절 정치자금제도의 운용실태와 문제점 45
      • 1. 정당의 수입총괄 46
      • 2. 당비 48
      • 3. 후원회 55
      • 4. 기탁금 59
      • 5. 국고보조금 62
      • 제4장 정치자금제도의 개선방안 72
      • 제1절 당비모금을 통한 재정자립화 73
      • 1. 당비납부 의무제 도입 73
      • 2. 당비납부자에 대한 인센티브 제공 74
      • 3. 고액 당비 및 납부자 공개 76
      • 제2절 후원회 활성화를 통한 다양한 모금 다양화 76
      • 1. 익명의 후원금 기부 확대 76
      • 2. 후원회 제도의 확대 및 후원회 제도의 활성화 77
      • 3. 중앙당이나 시·도당후원회의 허용 77
      • 제3절 기탁금 모금 확대를 통한 선거공영제 확립 78
      • 1. 비지정 기탁금제도의 보완 78
      • 2. 기탁금 상한액 폐지 79
      • 3. 성명 등 비공개 조건의 기탁금의 폐지 80
      • 제4절 국고보조금의 지급 축소 및 선거공영제로의 사용 80
      • 1. 국고보조금을 선거공영제로 사용 80
      • 2. 국고보조금 배분·지급 기준의 합리화 81
      • 3. 일괄공제제도의 도입 81
      • 4. 보전비용의 정액화하거나 등록재산에 따라 차등지급 82
      • 제5장 결론 83
      • 참고문헌 88
      • 국문초록 90
      • 표 목차
      • <표2-1> 후원회제도의 연혁 9
      • <표2-2> 후원회의 연간기부한도액 10
      • <표2-3> 국고보조금 배분기준 14
      • <표2-4> 각국의 정치자금제도 비교 33
      • <표3-1> 정치자금법 개정시기 및 주요 내용 42
      • <표3-2> 수입총괄 & 수입내역 46
      • <표3-3> 2010~2012년 선거관련비용 47
      • <표3-4> 연도별 인구수 대비 당원의 수 49
      • <표3-5> 최근 5년간 당비납부 현황 51
      • <표3-6> 정당별 당비납부 현황 53
      • <표3-7> 최근5년간 주요정당의 후원회 등록현황 57
      • <표3-8> 최근5년간 연도별 기탁금 수탁실적 60
      • <표3-9> 2010년도 정당별 기탁금 수입액 61
      • <표3-10> 연도별 정당의 국고보조금 수입총액 63
      • <표3-11> 2010년도 정당별 국고보조금 수입액 64
      • <표3-12> 국고보조금 계상액의 변천상황 65
      • <표3-13> 중앙당별 수입내역 & 수입총괄 66
      • <표3-14> 최근5년간 주요정당의 보조금 지급액 69
      • 그림목차
      • <그림2-1> 기탁금의 기탁 및 지급절차 12
      • <그림2-2> 정치자금의 종류와 흐름도 17
      • <그림2-3> 연구분석의 틀 39
      • <그림3-1> 수입총괄 & 수입내역 46
      • <그림3-2> 최근10년간 인구수대비 당원의수 변동상황 49
      • <그림3-3> 정당별 당비납부 비율 53
      • <그림3-4> 최근5년간 연도별 기탁금 수탁실적 60
      • <그림3-5> 2010년도 정당별 기탁금 수입액 61
      • <그림3-6> 연도별 국고보조금 수입액추이 63
      • <그림3-7> 2010년도 정당별 국고보조금 수입액 비교 64
      • <그림3-8> 중앙당별 수입내역 & 수입총괄 67
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