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      KCI등재후보

      Inversion and Adverbial Complements

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      https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A104911692

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      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

      There are many kinds of intransitive verbs in inverted PP construction: unaccusative verbs, unergative verbs, copular verbs, etc. of which only unaccusative verbs have been analyzed under Unaccusative Hypothesis without any stipulations. Though some l...

      There are many kinds of intransitive verbs in inverted PP construction:
      unaccusative verbs, unergative verbs, copular verbs, etc. of which only
      unaccusative verbs have been analyzed under Unaccusative Hypothesis
      without any stipulations. Though some linguists claim that the accusative
      analysis is eminent in generalizing inverted PP constructions, they have
      some difficulty describing the inverted PP constructions with unergative
      verbs under the unaccusative hypothesis. So we claim that there is no
      constraint on the verb selection in inverted PP constructions. So satisfied
      with presence of Top Phrase and VDP, the subjects of accusative
      constructions stay in VP-internal position and those of unergative
      constructions stay in [spec, IP], commonly with preposing the inverted PP
      to [spec, TopP]. This inverted PP construction is proposed to be only one
      of many inversion types that take place in intransitive constructions

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      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

      There are many kinds of intransitive verbs in inverted PP construction: unaccusative verbs, unergative verbs, copular verbs, etc. of which only unaccusative verbs have been analyzed under Unaccusative Hypothesis without any stipulations. Though som...

      There are many kinds of intransitive verbs in inverted PP construction:
      unaccusative verbs, unergative verbs, copular verbs, etc. of which only
      unaccusative verbs have been analyzed under Unaccusative Hypothesis
      without any stipulations. Though some linguists claim that the accusative
      analysis is eminent in generalizing inverted PP constructions, they have
      some difficulty describing the inverted PP constructions with unergative
      verbs under the unaccusative hypothesis. So we claim that there is no
      constraint on the verb selection in inverted PP constructions. So satisfied
      with presence of Top Phrase and VDP, the subjects of accusative
      constructions stay in VP-internal position and those of unergative
      constructions stay in [spec, IP], commonly with preposing the inverted PP
      to [spec, TopP]. This inverted PP construction is proposed to be only one
      of many inversion types that take place in intransitive constructions

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      참고문헌 (Reference)

      1 Coopmans,Peter, "Where Stylistic and Syntactic Processes Meet: Locative Inversion in English" 65 : 728-751, 1989

      2 Mendikoetxea, Amaya, "Unergatives that ‘become’ unaccusative in English Locative Inversion Structures: A Lexical-Syntactic Approach" Paris: Editions Orhpys 133-155, 2006

      3 권기양, "Unaccusativity Condition and PP Subject Constructions" 현대문법학회 (39) : 1-20, 2005

      4 Levin, B, "Unaccuasativity: At the Syntax-Lexical Semantics Interface" Cambridge: MIT UP. 1995

      5 Culicover, Reter w, "Stylistic Inversion in English: A Reconstruction" 19 (19): 283-310, 2001

      6 Jackendoff, Ray, "Semantic Interpretation in Generative Grammar" Cambridge: MIT UP 1972

      7 Levine,R, "On focus inversion: syntactic valence and the role of a SUBCAT list" 27 : 1989

      8 Bowers.J, "On Surface structure grammatical relations and the structure-preserving hypothesis" 2 : 225-242, 1976

      9 Bresnan, Joan, "Locative Inversion in Chichewa: A Case Study of Factorization in Grammar" 50 : 1-50, 1989

      10 Bresnan,J, "Locataive Case vs. Locative Gender" 17 : 53-68, 1991

      1 Coopmans,Peter, "Where Stylistic and Syntactic Processes Meet: Locative Inversion in English" 65 : 728-751, 1989

      2 Mendikoetxea, Amaya, "Unergatives that ‘become’ unaccusative in English Locative Inversion Structures: A Lexical-Syntactic Approach" Paris: Editions Orhpys 133-155, 2006

      3 권기양, "Unaccusativity Condition and PP Subject Constructions" 현대문법학회 (39) : 1-20, 2005

      4 Levin, B, "Unaccuasativity: At the Syntax-Lexical Semantics Interface" Cambridge: MIT UP. 1995

      5 Culicover, Reter w, "Stylistic Inversion in English: A Reconstruction" 19 (19): 283-310, 2001

      6 Jackendoff, Ray, "Semantic Interpretation in Generative Grammar" Cambridge: MIT UP 1972

      7 Levine,R, "On focus inversion: syntactic valence and the role of a SUBCAT list" 27 : 1989

      8 Bowers.J, "On Surface structure grammatical relations and the structure-preserving hypothesis" 2 : 225-242, 1976

      9 Bresnan, Joan, "Locative Inversion in Chichewa: A Case Study of Factorization in Grammar" 50 : 1-50, 1989

      10 Bresnan,J, "Locataive Case vs. Locative Gender" 17 : 53-68, 1991

      11 Kathol, A, "Inversion as a linearization effect" 23 : 207-221, 1992

      12 Perlmutter, David, "Impersonal Passive and the Uaccusative Hypothesis" UP of California, Berkeley 157-189, 1978

      13 Rochemont, "Focus in generative grammar" Benjamins 1986

      14 Kaisse,E.M, "Connected Speech: The interaction of syntax and Phonoloy" Orlando: Academic Press 1985

      15 Postal,P, "About a Nonargument for Raising" 8 : 141-154, 1997

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      학술지 이력

      학술지 이력
      연월일 이력구분 이력상세 등재구분
      2026 평가예정 재인증평가 신청대상 (재인증)
      2020-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (재인증) KCI등재
      2017-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (계속평가) KCI등재
      2014-01-13 학술지명변경 한글명 : Journal of British & American Studies -> 영미연구
      외국어명 : 미등록 -> Journal of British & American Studies
      KCI등재
      2013-01-01 평가 등재 1차 FAIL (등재유지) KCI등재
      2010-01-01 평가 등재학술지 선정 (등재후보2차) KCI등재
      2009-01-01 평가 등재후보 1차 PASS (등재후보1차) KCI등재후보
      2008-01-01 평가 등재후보 1차 FAIL (등재후보1차) KCI등재후보
      2007-01-01 평가 등재후보학술지 유지 (등재후보1차) KCI등재후보
      2005-01-01 평가 등재후보학술지 선정 (신규평가) KCI등재후보
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      학술지 인용정보
      기준연도 WOS-KCI 통합IF(2년) KCIF(2년) KCIF(3년)
      2016 0.17 0.17 0.18
      KCIF(4년) KCIF(5년) 중심성지수(3년) 즉시성지수
      0.16 0.15 0.462 0.15
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