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金庠基(Kim Sang-kee) 백산학회 1967 白山學報 Vol.- No.3
Sung-shu(宋書)gives an account for the first time that Bekje (百濟) brought Liao-Hsi(遼西)area (an area west of Liao-ho (遼河) under its rule and established there its own administrative districts with Chinp’ing Hsien(晋平縣), Chin-p’ing Chun(晋平郡)as the center. This occupation seems to have been realized toward the end of the thirteenth king Kŭnch’oko-wang’s (近育古王) reign. It was in his time that Bekje was powerful enough to emulate with Kokuryo(高句麗), and eventually after repeated battles in the Debang (帶方) (now, Hwanghe-do 黃海道) area, its army killed Kokuryŏ’s sixteenth king Kokukwŏn-wang(故國原王)below the Pyongyang(平壤) Castle. Before during the era of its fifteenth king Mich’ŏn-wang 美川王, Kokuryŏ occupied the Liao-Tung(遼東)area(or the Liaotung Peninsula) and evacuated from the area thereafter with no fear of threat from the north. Thus it is probable that by advancing into Liao-Hsi area by sea, Bekje as a naval power attempted to check Kokuryŏ’s southward force. The reason why Kokuryŏ and Bekje could so easily seize Liao-Tung and Liao-Hsi areas respectively is that in the continent the so-called Wu-hu Shih-liu-kuo (五胡十六國) were at odds with each other in a chaotic situation, and there was no force that could reach their eastern frontier. Later the Liao-Hsi area occupied by Bekje was attacked by Hou-wei(後魏)(Pei-wei 北魏), and there was a time in the era of the twenty-fourth king Tongsong-wang(東城王)when Bekje defeated a large force of Hou-wei, and according to a record in Nan-ch’i-shu(南齊書), it requested the Ch’i(齊)Dynasty (of Nan-ch’ao 南朝), which was then against Hou-wei, to confer a peerage on the victorious general named Sabŏbmyŏng(沙法名). No historical record is available as to how Bekje’s power changed in Liao-Hsi area thereafter, but from the fact that Hou-wei finally unified areas north of the Yangtze River, we can infer that Bekje’s influence in Liao-Hsi area was crippled by Hou-wei, Bekje’s occupation of Liao-Hsi area is recorded mostly in Sung-shu and Nan-Ch’i-shu. Compiled by Shên Yüeh(沈約), who wrote history for both the Sung and Ch’i Dynasties and was an official in the Liang(梁) Dynasty, Sung-shu was published in the sixth year of Ch’i’s King Wu(武)(A.D.488). And Hsiao Tzŭ-hsien(蕭子顯), compiler of Nan-ch’i shu, was a member of Nanch’i’s(南齊)royal household, and upon the fall of the dynasty, he went to serve King Wu of the Liang (梁) Dynasty and presented him with the book. As the two books were compiled by witnesses to the days, their reliability is unquestionable.
Original Article : Geographic difference of epidemiological features of HCV infection in Korea
( Kyung Ah Kim ),( Sook Hyang Jeong ),( Eun Sun Jang ),( Young Seok Kim3 ),( Youn Jae Lee ),( Eun Uk Jung ),( In Hee Kim ),( Sung Bum Cho ),( Mee Kyung Kee ),( Chun Kang ) 대한간학회 2014 Clinical and Molecular Hepatology(대한간학회지) Vol.20 No.4
Background/Aims: The prevalence of hepatitis C virus (HCV) infection in Korea exhibits significant geographic variation, with it being higher in Busan and Jeonam than in other areas. The reason for this intranational geographic difference was investigated in this study by conducting a comparative analysis of the risk factors related to HCV infection among three geographic areas: the capital (Seoul), Busan, and the province of Jeolla. Methods: In total, 990 patients with chronic HCV infection were prospectively enrolled at 5 university hospitals located in Seoul (n=374), Busan (n=264), and Jeolla (n=352). A standardized questionnaire survey on the risk factors for HCV infection was administered to these three groups of patients, and a comparative analysis of the findings was performed. Results: The analysis revealed significant regional differences in exposure to the risk factors of HCV infection. By comparison with patients in Seoul as a control group in the multivariate analysis, patients in Busan had significantly more experience of invasive medical procedures, acupuncture, cosmetic procedures, and multiple sex partners. In contrast, patients in Jeolla were significantly older, and they had a higher prevalence of hepatocellular carcinoma, a lower prevalence of multiple sex partners, and had experienced fewer invasive procedures. Conclusions: There was a significant geographic difference in the exposure to potential risk factors of HCV infection between patients from the three studied regions. This may explain the regional variation of the prevalence of HCV infection in Korea, and should be taken into account when planning strategies for the prevention and management of HCV infection. (Clin Mol Hepatol 2014;20:361-367)
경성여자의학전문학교 창립의 주체였던 김탁원,길정희부부는 왜 실제 설립 과정에서 제외되었는가?
백운기 ( Woon Kee Baik ),김상덕 ( Sang Duk Kim ) 연세대학교 의과대학 의사학과 의학사연구소 2010 연세의사학 Vol.13 No.1
Chosun (a.k.a. Keijo) Women``s Medical Training Institute was founded in 1928 as a joint effort between an American missionary physician named Dr. Rosetta Sherwood Hall and one of Korea’s first female physicians, Dr. Kil Chung-Hee. In 1932, in anticipation of her retirement, Dr. Hall transferred full responsibility for the Institute to Dr. Kil and her husband Dr. Kim Taik-Won, a neuropsychiatrist. Unfortunately, following Dr. Hall``s departure to America in 1933, funding from Dr. Hall’s missionary society was discontinued. This prompted an evacuation of the Institute’s lecture halls and teaching laboratories. As a result of this change in finances, the Institute’s operations were transported to, and maintained exclusively at, Drs. Kim and Kil``s private residence. During this interim period, the institute was sustained financially by this husband and wife team. In addition to these new found financial difficulties, there were ongoing political hardships. In an effort to alleviate these various difficulties, the couple decided to pursue the task of upgrading the Institute to a standard medical college. As a first step toward this goal, in 1934, the couple established a foundation for the “creation of a women``s medical college”. This undertaking (i.e., the creation of a medical college) required a large amount of funding. Therefore, the couple became actively engaged in the solicitation of funding for this purpose. In 1937, an education philanthropist named Mr. Kim Chong-Ik agreed to donate substantial funds for the purpose of establishing the women’s medical college. As fate would have it, however, / 49 he unexpectedly contracted dysentery and died suddenly. The application for the creation of a women``s medical college was filed and approved in 1938 by the Japanese Governor-General. Thus, the first class of students in the newly created medical college was enrolled on May 1, 1938. Curiously, however, neither Dr. Kim nor Dr. Kil was named in the charter. Although one could presuppose various reasons to explain how this omission occurred, there is one undeniable aspect of history that makes clear and cogent sense in this regard. It is now known that Dr. Kim was a leading activist for Korean independence from Japan during the 1920’s and 1930’s. He was regarded as an agitator by the Japanese occupation government and viewed as an undesirable, rebellious, anti-Japanese element. The South Korean government, in recognition of his heroic deeds during that period of Japanese occupation, posthumously awarded the Ae-Jok Jan(humanitarian award) to Dr. Kim Taik-Won on August 15, 2007. On July 4, 2008, his remains were subsequently transferred, along with his professional partner and wife Dr. Kil Chung-Hee, to the Korean National Cemetery in Daejon, South Korea. If one considers the political climate that existed in Korea in the late 1930’s under Japanese occupation, it stands to reason that any medical college application that included an anti-Japanese activist such as Kim Taik-Won would be doomed to fail. I believe that the absence of Drs. Kim Taik-Won and Kil Chung-Hee’s names from the medical college charter was a rational, politically motivated act of omission.
Reanalysis of ERP Studies on EFL Learners' Language Recursion-based Sentence Parsing
Sang-Hee Bae,Sung-Hun Kim,Kee-Seok Cho 한국생성문법학회 2015 생성문법연구 Vol.25 No.3
This paper will investigate the possibility that EFL learners can learn the sentence parsing algorithms. This approach stems from Kim et al.'s (2013, 2014) ERP studies which show some changes of EFL learners' parsing results by educating them English parsing strategies. Referring to these studies, this paper will assume that learning parsing algorithms can lead the results of learning to be changed into getting closer to the level of English L1 speakers. To justify this assumption, this paper will identify the relevant evidence that the essence of the sentence parsing can be learned while we reanalyze EFL leaners' syntactic responses from the previous ERP studies. Furthermore, this paper will also present the theoretical foundation to assume the possibility of learning parsing algorithms resulted from the language recursion: a property of human languages (Hauser et al. 2002, Jackendoff and Pinker 2005, Pinker and Jackendoff 2005). Through this investigation, this paper will claim that, though parsing algorithms vary according to the particular grammars, not only might parsing operations be correlated to the recursion of language, but also parsing algorithms can be learned by EFL learners due to the language property common to human-beings.