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      • KCI등재

        V-e V Constructions Redux

        최영식 ( Young Sik Choi ) 대한언어학회 2014 언어학 Vol.22 No.1

        I address two types of verbal concatenation constructions in Korean in the form of V-e V, which has been a topic of much controversy in the literature with regard to its structure. I argue that what I call type I is ambiguous in structure in that it is construed as either monoclausal or biclausal, whereas type II is always construed as monoclausal. I thus crucially diverge from the common view in the literature, according to which both types are uniformly biclausal or monoclausal (Lee 1976, Yang 1976, Choe 1988, Kim 1993, Lee 1993, Choi 2001). It will be shown that a variety of tests including scope of negation and manner adverbials, along with the distribution of negative polarity items in Korean lend support to the present thesis that the two types are different in their clausal structure.

      • KCI등재

        On the Syntax of "Have To"

        Sungshim Hong(홍성심) 한국생성문법학회 2007 생성문법연구 Vol.17 No.3

          This paper, based on the current theory of phrase structure, aims to analyze the internal structure of "have to" constructions, especially in American English. Radford (1997, 2004a, 2004b), following Chomskyan framework of Transformational grammar (Chomsky 1981, 1995, 2001), argued that two potential positions exist for the infinitival particle "to"-either T or Aux. If Radford"s analysis is to be accepted, then the sequence of "have" followed by "to" with a modal-like meaning casts a problem in its phrase structure. This paper will argue that if "have" is a lexical verb as maintained in Huddlestone and Pullum (2002) and Quirk, et al (1972, 1985) and if "to" is either a T constituent or Aux constituent depending on the existence of a negative element, then the "have to" construction is bi-clausal rather than monoclausal. In other words, "have" is in the matrix TP, whereas "to" is in the embedded TP. Therefore, the surface subject of the "have to" construction is a raised subject from the embedded TP to the matrix TP, making "have" a raising predicate, just like "seem" and "appear." To support this argument, this paper will offer empirical support from the distribution of certain adverbials such as "yet," "only," and "still" as well as expletive subjects like "there" in the "have to" construction One consequence of this analysis is the ability to account for the contraction phenomenon, where "have to" is pronounced as [hæfta] because the A-trace of the subject-to-subject raising does not block the contraction between "have" and "to."

      • KCI등재

        Rethinking Split Questions in Korean

        Jeong-Shik Lee 한국생성문법학회 2011 생성문법연구 Vol.21 No.3

        This paper argues that split questions in Korean can entertain the monoclausal analysis. I examine Ha’s (2010) arguments for the biclausal LF-copying analyis, and his arguments against the monoclausal analysis and the biclausal PF deletion analysis. I attempt to prove that the alleged problems he points out can be accommodated within the monoclausal analysis even in a more adequate way. I further claim that Korean split questions can constitute a piece of empirical evidence for the hypothesis that Korean starts out as underlyingly head-initial. This result helps eliminate the head-parameter from the Universal Grammar, maintain the universal Spec-head-complement order for linearization, and reduce computational complexity thereof.

      • KCI등재

        Rethinking Split Questions in Korean

        이정식 한국생성문법학회 2011 생성문법연구 Vol.21 No.3

        This paper argues that split questions in Korean can entertain the monoclausal analysis. I examine Ha's (2010) arguments for the biclausal LF-copying analyis, and his arguments against the monoclausal analysis and the biclausal PF deletion analysis. I attempt to prove that the alleged problems he points out can be accommodated within the monoclausal analysis even in a more adequate way. I further claim that Korean split questions can constitute a piece of empirical evidence for the hypothesis that Korean starts out as underlyingly head-initial. This result helps eliminate the head-parameter from the Universal Grammar, maintain the universal Spec-head-complement order for linearization, and reduce computational complexity thereof.

      • KCI등재

        Remarks on –yo Attachment in Right Dislocation in Korean

        Jong Un Park 현대문법학회 2016 현대문법연구 Vol.91 No.-

        This paper has two goals. First, it aims to carefully examine whether a bi-clausal (movement) approach to -yo attachment in Korean Right Dislocation (RD) constructions is tenable. Yim (2013) argues that -yo marking on an RD-ed element lends support to what is called the bi-clausal approach to RD in Korean. We present an issue and data that solicit reconsideration of Yim s view on the syntax of -yo attachment. In particular, the bi-clausal approach endorsed by Yim is shown to have difficulty capturing two types of coordinate structure, namely interwoven dependency and additive coordination. Second, we demonstrate that the availability of these two types of otherwise puzzling coordination in the RD construction involving -yo marking can be captured under a mono-clausal approach, in conjunction with M-K Park s (2009) midway conjunction analysis, where External Remerge, originally suggested by de Vries (2009), is assumed to play a crucial role in building coordinate structure at issue.

      • KCI등재

        선택부정 반복동사 부정극어

        이정식 ( Jeong Shik Lee ) 대한언어학회 2011 언어학 Vol.19 No.3

        Observing that in some cases, the distribution of choice-denying repeated-verbs like hatunci maltunci ``V-or not-V-or`` in Korean is the same as that of a regular NPI, I propose a process and a way to license this repeated-verb as an NPI. In doing so, I prove that the construction involving this verbal sequence should be analyzed as a monoclause rather than a biclause. Further, I show that word order variation that the construction exhibits cannot be smoothly derived by the traditionally assumed SOV hypothesis for Korean, but can be more adequately derived by the recently emerging SVO hypothesis. From a theoretical perspective, the results of this paper lend support for the universal Specifier-head-complement order initiated by Kayne (1994) and help eliminate the head-parameter, thereby conforming to the recent minimalist spirit of maximal underspecification of Universal Grammar.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        영어 관계사 변이 요인의 코퍼스 기반 연구

        이재승 한국언어과학회 2014 언어과학 Vol.21 No.2

        The purpose of this study is to identify the factors that influence the choice between English relativizers which and that. This is a new approach to the presence/absence of relativizers in English relative constructions. Based on spoken and written data of modern American English from Corpus of Contemporary American English, three kinds of relative clauses, subject relative clauses, object relative clauses, and passive relative clauses, containing which and that were examined to investigate the overt relativizer variation. The corpus analyses show that structure of subjects in object relative clauses, antecedents in subject/object relative clauses and verb types in passive relative clauses can affect the choice between which and that. However, results suggest that the length of the Head NP in object relative clauses may not affect the relativizer variation. (Pusan National University)

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