일반논문 : 관동대지진 때 한인 학살에 대한 『독립신문』의 보도와 그 영향

장세윤 ( Sei Yoon Chang ) 수선사학회 2013 史林 Vol.0 No.46

On September 1, 1923, the Great Kanto Earthquake struck the Kanto region of Japan, including Tokyo, causing widespread damage throughout it. Koreans living in the region were no exception. Furthermore, misunderstanding and prejudice toward Koreans during the Japanese colonial period resulted in the most tragic incident suffered by Koreans during the Colonial Period (1910-1945), namely, the Massacre of Koreans in 1923 by Japanese civil militia and other groups in the wake of the earthquake. Ninety years have passed since the tragedy, which was instigated by the imperial Japanese government amid the terrible chaos caused by the massive earthquake. The full facts behind the massacre, including its implications and lessons, have yet to be thoroughly investigated and discussed by contemporary Koreans living through an age of prosperity that owes a lot to the sacrifices of their ancestors, who struggled against the Japanese colonial rule. Korea is now faced with the difficult challenge of fully investigating how Japan has dealt with the massacre not just in its research papers but also in its classrooms and civic movements, over and above the genuine efforts made by Koreans in their academic studies, history education and citizen campaigns about the massacre.In the aftermath of the earthquake, the Japanese government quickly declared martial law, which is why there were very few reports on the additional sufferings of Koreans during the earthquake. The massacre of Koreans in 1923, in fact, was committed jointly by the Japanese military, police, and vigilantes. The crime was ultimately overshadowed by the coverage of the earthquake damage both in Japan and abroad at that time. One significant exception was the coverage of the massacre by The Independence, an official newspaper of the Korean Provisional Government based in Shanghai, China. In its extradated September 4, 1923, i.e. four days after the earthquake and the massacre of Koreans, the paper published a report on the earthquake and the massacre. The following day, December 5, the newspaper wrote that 6,661 Koreans had been killed by the Japanese during the massacre, causing a tremendous commotionin the Korean community across the world. The coverage by The Independence of the Massacre of Koreans during the Great Kanto Earthquake has greatly impacted academic and educational institutions at home and abroad. The newspaper`s report on the number of Koreans massacred during the earthquake in 1923 is still considered to be relatively precise because it was based on the investigations not only of correspondents of the newspaper based in Japan but also of many Koreans who were living in the Kanto region at the time. That is why the newspaper`s coverage has been widely referred to at home and abroad. There is a consensus among academic and educational institutions in South Korea, North Korea and Japan that around six to seven thousand Koreans were killed by the Japanese during the massacre. Now, it is a case of an historic mission that Korea, and particularly its academic circles, must carry out to identify all the victims, investigate every aspect of the massacre, and hold all those who participated in the massacre accountable. In the end, a lesson must be learned from the tragedy to make the victims` deaths significant. It is our job to figure out how we can remember them, too.

관동대학살에 대한 조선인들의 인식과 대응 ― 사건 이후 조선에서 결성된 단체를 중심으로 ―

김강산 ( Kim Gang-san ) 수선사학회 2017 史林 Vol.0 No.60

The purpose of this study is to establish Koreans` actions against the Kantou Massacre and its characteristics. The Kantou Massacre is the generic term for the Great Earthquake occurred in September 1st, 1923 and the massacre of Koreans carried out thereafter. Related preceding studies revealed Koreans` methods of actions and their outputs, through analyzing the organizations of Koreans formed after the Kantou Massacre. Those studies, however, couldn`t establish how this incident was widely known to general Korean society, the way Koreans tried to intervene in that incident in the process of the spread, and how the intervention differed in the type and characteristic from others. The news about the Kantou Massacre was conveyed to Korean people in time lag. At first, it was mainly about the natural disaster [the earthquake] due to media blackout imposed by the Japanese colonial power. So Korean people`s reaction was also directed toward the disaster. But as the news about the massacre of Koreans had been reported since September 5th, 1923, the reaction of Koreans to the incident had been changed from `the problems of natural disaster` into `ethnic issues`. Immediately after the incident, relief activities were deployed under the supervision of the Japanese Government General of Korea. Two conflicting opinions, however, had emerged on the charity cases since Korean people were informed of the news of the massacre of Koreans. One was `comprehensive relief` that both Koreans and Japanese should be included as the relief cases, and the other was `preferential relief for Koreans` that Koreans should be relieved preferentially. The relief organization of Koreans representing the former was `the Association of Collection of Subscriptions for Relief(義捐金募金助成會)`, and that representing the latter was `the Association of Relief for Korean Victims in Tokyo suffering from Calamities(東京地方罹災朝鮮人救濟會)` Both organizations had different views on the incident. The organization insisting on `comprehensive relief` interpreted this incident as one of natural disasters, urging people to take the lead in relief activities from the standpoint of love for mankind. On the other hand, the organization asserting `preferential relief for Koreans` regarded this incident in terms of nationalistic viewpoints, emphasizing national fraternity. They also differed in their methods of activities because of these differences in viewpoints. While the former actively responded to the relief works led by the Japanese Government General of Korea, the latter wanted to participate in the relief works preferential to Koreans with the investigation activities of Koreans in the earthquake-ravaged areas. By the way, as the news about the massacre of Koreans spreaded across Korea, and the ethnic conflicts and tensions between Korea and Japan built up, the Japanese Government General of Korea actually `broke up` `the Association of Relief for Korean Victims in Tokyo suffering from Calamities`, and `shut out` the Korean intervention in the issue of the massacre of Koreans.

측집 : 북한의 남한 점령기 민간인 학살 - 한국정부와 미군(KWC) 조사기록의 비교를 중심으로

양영조 ( Yong Jo Yang ) 이화사학연구소 2013 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.46

The main purpose of this article is to analyze on the South Korean Civilian Massacre by the North Korean Army and the left wings during the North Korean Occupation of South Korea. This paper is aimed to put a valuation on the problematic issues in War Crimes Division in Korea(KWC). This study was conducted with the reference of following documents: NARA, RG 153 Records of the Office of the Judge Advocate General Army, International Affairs Division; War Crimes Branch: “Investigation of Atrocities against POW`s in Korea”, 1952-1954, Entry A1 181, Box 891-976, KWC #1~#1848; “interim Historical Report”, 30 June 1953; “Final Historical and Operational Report”, 31. May 1954. Since the outbreak of the Massacre, the existing studies regarding this issue concentrated on elucidating actual conditions of civilian massacre and studies in the region have focused on understanding each regional cases, expected size, and so on. However, it has been challenged to understand entire matters of victims and wrongdoers because the signed confession research throughout the area sampled some regions. Therefore, this study suggests a debate on the three problematic issues in those historical records. I found that those historical records only emphasize the perspectives of the anti-communism while analyzing the massacres. Also they have been recorded without the sufficient and reliable resources. They have only been discussed about the mass slaughter committed by several specific forces which are included with the North Korean government, the police of the North Korean government, and the South Korean communists. We have to recognize other mass slaughters happened in the same region from July 1950 to January 1951. Especially, the mass slaughter of civilians, the murders of people who acted in a way to Anti North Korea happened in the same areas. Thus, I believe that we have to give a definition of other massacres. Most historical records do not demonstrate the reason many people should have been victimized in the massacres. For example, even though they put many pages to describe the massacre, there are few reliable resources in them. As a result of the poor research achievements on the historical records, it is very hard for us to identify what kinds of “military command chains” the massacres had been carried out. Thus, it is still ambiguous to what extent North Korean government involved in those tragedies. I think that the massacres happened during Korean War should be researched from the multidimensional viewpoints by closely relating to political, economical, and social issues. These approaches help us bring objectivity into my research. I also think that if we can make any research with more possible reliability and objectivity, that research would allow us to find the person who were responsible for those mass slaughters, and the reason they happened in the time. This work will help add further studies based on empirical researches that have been conducted until now and define that the massacre occurred independently or the government intervened in the massacre.

전쟁기 문학을 통한 정체성의 재구성 - 북한문학에 나타난 마산·충북양민학살을 중심으로

김은정 한국비평문학회 2014 批評文學 Vol.- No.52

Murder that happens during war is considered acceptable and a death of a person is often neglected and regarded as just a part of a statistical data during war. Severe crimes such as murder and massacre are often justified without considering the importance of the human right. Among the international communities, the massacre in a war is defined as a conventional political participation and humanitarian intervention. While it is hard to find a case where the humanitarian intervention brings peace to the affected country, the intervening action often triggers war or even expands the range of battlefield. In the United States, massacre is generally categorized into four types: Constructive, Benign, Nefarious, and Mythical bloodbaths. The aspect shown in the civilian massacres during the Korean War can be classified into three different groups and they are, ‘strategic massacre’, ‘execution massacre’, and ‘retaliation massacre.’ This paper will focus specifically on the aspect and subject of the civilian massacre in the Masan and Chungbukarea appearedintheliteraryworks『Munhakyesul』, and will further explain the historical reality of the two massacres in terms of ‘strategic massacre’ and ‘retaliation massacre’. Here notes the ‘execution massacre’ which is the method of execution by a civil-military and the left is excluded from the discussion. The details of Masancivilianmassacredescribedin「Jonggungi」 by Kim Sa-Ryang corresponds to the testimony from the victims of the incident. In addition, the massacre in Chungbukarea, the geographical background of the novel by Hyunduk, is also confirme dastrue. The novels mentioned above depict the atrocity perpetrated by military forces during the Korean War. Regarding ‘strategicmassacre’, the brutal actions–sexual violation toward women, live burial, and firing squad execution-are described in the novels. When it comes to‘ retaliationmassacre’, however, it is hard to find the scene showing sexual violation or other atrocities depicted in <Figure2> from『Joseontongsa』and『Hyeondaejoseonryeogsa』. Since these atrocious behaviors are normally conducted under the situation while the partisans arrested by the U.S. military are being tortured, it is necessary to take into account the types of massacre when examining the atrocities in civilian massacres. The North Korean government understood the Korean War as not a war between ethnic groups, but a war against American imperialism. In addition, the main theme of the novels created during this period mainly deals with the topic of the fight against the U.S. military, the main enemy. Hence, the subject of the novels who are undergoing the brutal actions and the atrocities are the U.S. military, not the Korean army. 전쟁은 살인이 용인된다는 점에서 전쟁에서 인간의 죽음은 인권의 문제가 아닌 숫자나 통계로 수치화되는 것이 일반적이다. 현재 학살에 대한 국제규범은 통속적 정치화와 인도주의적 개입으로 정의되고 있다. 그런데 인도주의적 개입은 전쟁을 야기하거나 확장시켰지, 구제를 한 예는 거의 찾기 힘들다. 미국은 학살을 건설적인 학살, 자비로운 학살, 사악한 학살, 가공의 학살 등 네 가지 유형으로 분류하고 있다. 북한은 전시문학을 통해 전쟁 초기 자행된 학살을 소설로 재구성하는데 북한 내부에서 벌어진 학살이 아닌 남한 내 학살을 소재화하고 있다. 북한이 남한에서 미군에 의해 자행된 학살에 초점을 맞춰 작품을 구성하는 하는 이유는 집단주의와 연관이 있으며, 한국전쟁에 대한 북한의 조국해방전쟁이이라는 용어 표기에서도 알 수 있듯이 미제에 지배와 착취를 받고 있는 남한 민중들을 해방시켜야 한다는 공감대 형성을 위해 보여주기 미국의 야만성을 보여주기 가장 쉬운 사건이 학살이었기 때문이다. 이글에서 주목하고 있는 것은 피해자로서의 경험과 가해자로서의 경험을 가지고 있는 북한이 문학에서 가해자로서의 역사는 왜 기술하지 않는가와 작가들이 자기를 표현하는 주체로서 자기 이야기를 기록하는가 대한 문제이다. 이글에서는 먼저 학살의 양상에 대해 살펴보고, 1951년 『문학예술』에 실린 북한 작품에 주로 등장하는 경남서부지역과 경북지역 학살 중 ‘마산양민학살’과 우리에게는 잘 알려지지 않는 ‘충북지역양민학살’ 학살을 통해 그 양상과 주체 그리고 역사적 실재성에 대해 검토하면서 작가들이 자기를 표현하는 주체로서 자기 이야기를 어떤 방식으로 기록하는가 대한 문제를 검토하였다. 북한은 남한에서 미군에 의해 자행된 마산양민학살과 충북지역 양민 학살은 소재화하고 있지만 정작 비슷한 시기 북한에서 일어난 신천 대학살을 소재화한 작품이 보이지 않는 것은 첫째, 대다수의 작가들이 종군작가로 동원되어 남한에서의 체험하거나 들었던 사건을 재현하고 있기 때문이며, 둘째, 북한이 수행하고 있는 전쟁이 조국해방전쟁이었기 때문이다. 뿐만 아니라 한국전쟁에서 남북은 모두 피해자로서의 경험과 가해자로서의 경험이 있다. 그럼에도 북한 작품에는 가해자로서의 역사는 보이지 않는다. 이처럼 피해자의 역사만 기록되고, 문학으로 재생산되는 것은 북한이 한국전쟁을 통해 자기 정체성을 재설정하려 하고 있기 때문이다. 문학에서 피해자로의 역사만이 존재하고 가해자의 역사가 없는 것은 북한이 미국과는 다른 ‘나’에 대한 규정을 반미를 매개로한 자기를 반정립하는 형식으로 보여주고 있기 때문이다. 이것은 미국의 학살행위를 폭로하고 비난함으로써 역으로 자신들은 그렇지 않다는 가짜 정체성과 명분을 만들어 과정이라 할 수 있으며 문학 역시 여기에 동원되고 있음을 확인할 수 있었다.

1923년 관동대지진 조선인학살 사건이 재일한인 사회에 주는 현재적 의미-민단과 총련의 주요 역사교재와 ꡔ민단신문ꡕ의 기사를 중심으로-

김인덕(Kim, In-duck) 한일민족문제학회 2017 한일민족문제연구 Vol.33 No.-

This paper was written to identify current response of Mindan in terms of Great Kanto earthquake in 1923 and its massacre of Korean residents in Japan. To verify this, the author made certain that of Mindan’s textbook and counterpart of General Association of Korean Residents in Japan’s narrative attitude. Especially, the author examined stream of history textbook of Korean residents in Japan preferentially. Summing up the contexts, textbook of General Association of Korean Residents in Japan could have been considered as North Korea textbook but which is partially right and wrong. On the other hand, Mindan’s narrated in thematic on ‘History of Korean resident in Japan’. In particular, description of post-war period, it has limitation of historic facts in various point of views. Also, the textbook didn’t’ testify number of Korean victims and references. For example, it estimated five to six thousands of the dead but there were no mention of Koreans’ action on massacre. However, General Association of Korean Residents in Japan depicted the reason of massacre was the false propaganda by military, police, repressing association to Korean and described the places of massacre as well; Kametido in Tokyo, Kanagawa, Chiba, Saitama, and Kunma- around 6,600 people were killed. Not only Korean but many of Chinese and Japanese socialist were also murdered by Japan according to textbook of General Assocation. The author looked into Mindan’s reaction on massacre by last ten years of ‘Mindan Newspaper’ from 2003 to 2013. They had been commemorated this genocide by ceremonies, seminars, lectures, and exhibitions. They actively noted on their textbook. Tokyo and its area were the main locations to do those events and even nationwide were held as well but joint project with Japanese experts, regional investigation, and on the spot survey weren’t there. The society of Korean residents in Japan has been trying to commemorate Korean massacre in 1923 during Great Kanto earthquake for a long time. Including Mindan & General Association of Korean Residents in Japan, many of scholars and activists were actively there.

1923년 관동대지진 조선인학살 사건이 재일한인 사회에 주는 현재적 의미-민단과 총련의 주요 역사교재와 『민단신문』의 기사를 중심으로-

김인덕 ( Kim In-duck ) 한일민족문제학회 2017 한일민족문제연구 Vol.33 No.-

本稿は民團系の1923年の關東大震災の朝鮮人虐殺に對する最近の對應の姿を確認するために作成した。このため、筆者は1923年の關東大震災の朝鮮人虐殺についた民團系敎科書の敍述態度を見ており、これと比較史的な觀点で總連系の敍述態度をまとめてみた。特にその前提として在日同胞の歷史敎科書の敍述の主要な流れを調べた。 その內容を整理してみると、まず總連の敎科書は常識的な水準では北朝鮮の敎科書と類似していると考えがちだが、實際の內容を見ると、加減があると考えた。民團の『歷史敎科書在日コリアンの歷史』は、在日韓國人の歷史と社會についてテ一マ式記述をしていて、特に戰後史の敍述では自分自身に對する視点、樣?な歷史的事實に對する認識などに限界がある。そして朝鮮人被害者の身元と全體の數字は明らかになっておらず、5千人とも言われて6千人とも死亡者を推定しながら、在日韓國人の虐殺と關連し、在日同胞の動きが見えない。一方、總連の敎科書は1923年朝鮮人虐殺の原因を虛僞宣傳で軍隊、警察、民間彈壓機構が朝鮮人を虐殺したと敵機と、具體的な虐殺の場所に東京では龜戶などと神奈川、千葉、埼玉、群馬などを明記した。また、6千6百人以上が虐殺され、數百人の中國人と數人の日本人社會主義者も虐殺されたと、具體的に記述している。 筆者は『民團新聞』の最近10年間、2003年前後から2013年前後の1923年の關東大地震の朝鮮人虐殺關連の80-90周年の間の記事を通じて、民團の對應姿を見た。民團は主にその記憶と記念を追悼式、セミナ一、講演會、展示會などを通じて進めた。そして歷史敎科書に積極的に敍述した。地域的には東京とその周邊が中心地だった。全國的規模の行事もなくはなかった。現場調査や犧牲者調査そして日本人硏究者や地域の調査團との連帶事業は資料上で確認されなかった。 在日同胞社會は、日本の市民社會とともに長い間1923年の關東大震災の朝鮮人虐殺について記憶して記念しようとした。民團と總連の在日同胞の2人の標的である現存團體をはじめ、學者、活動家などが、さまざまな地形で積極的に活動した。 This paper was written to identify current response of Mindan in terms of Great Kanto earthquake in 1923 and its massacre of Korean residents in Japan. To verify this, the author made certain that of Mindan’s textbook and counterpart of General Association of Korean Residents in Japan’s narrative attitude. Especially, the author examined stream of history textbook of Korean residents in Japan preferentially. Summing up the contexts, textbook of General Association of Korean Residents in Japan could have been considered as North Korea textbook but which is partially right and wrong. On the other hand, Mindan’s narrated in thematic on ‘History of Korean resident in Japan’. In particular, description of post-war period, it has limitation of historic facts in various point of views. Also, the textbook didn’t’ testify number of Korean victims and references. For example, it estimated five to six thousands of the dead but there were no mention of Koreans’ action on massacre. However, General Association of Korean Residents in Japan depicted the reason of massacre was the false propaganda by military, police, repressing association to Korean and described the places of massacre as well; Kametido in Tokyo, Kanagawa, Chiba, Saitama, and Kunma- around 6,600 people were killed. Not only Korean but many of Chinese and Japanese socialist were also murdered by Japan according to textbook of General Assocation. The author looked into Mindan’s reaction on massacre by last ten years of ‘Mindan Newspaper’ from 2003 to 2013. They had been commemorated this genocide by ceremonies, seminars, lectures, and exhibitions. They actively noted on their textbook. Tokyo and its area were the main locations to do those events and even nationwide were held as well but joint project with Japanese experts, regional investigation, and on the spot survey weren’t there. The society of Korean residents in Japan has been trying to commemorate Korean massacre in 1923 during Great Kanto earthquake for a long time. Including Mindan & General Association of Korean Residents in Japan, many of scholars and activists were actively there.

관동대지진 이후 조선 지식인들의 일본에서의 삶

오혜진(Oh, Hey-Jine) 우리문학회 2018 우리文學硏究 Vol.0 No.58

관동대지진은 일본인들에게는 자연재해였지만 조선인들에게는 그 자연재해에 더해 이어진 학살로 인해 더 큰 고통을 겪어야 했다. 일본인들의 조선인에 대한 차별과 멸시가 더 심해진 것은 이때를 기점이라 봐도 무방할 것이다. 1930년에 발표된 유진오의「귀향」과 1926년에 발표된 염상섭의「숙박기」는 지진이 일어나던 상황이나 그 이후의 삶에 관해 다루고 있어 관심이 집중된다. 두 작가 모두 관동대지진을 직접 경험한 것은 아니지만 객관적인 시각으로 작품에 접근한다. 유진오는 사회주의적 시각에 입각, 조·일 간의 연대와 노동운동에 초점을 맞춘다.「귀향」의 큰 강점은 관동대지진이 일어났을 당시를 구체적으로 묘사, 지진으로 인한 혼란과 조선인대학살을 개인의 눈을 통해 보여주고 있다는 것 자체가 큰 의미이다. 재난을 겪은 작가들이 입을 다물고 있었던 상황에서 당시의 정황을 소설화했다는 것은 유진오 나름대로의 사실주의적 소설에 대한 자신감의 표현이었다고 여겨진다. 대중적 첨가물인 사랑과 연애를 가미한 점도 눈에 띤다. 조선인과 일본인의 사랑이라는 점에서 나라에 구애받지 않았던 ‘붉은 연애’의 색깔도 띠고 있다. 연애나 노동운동에 대한 지향점들이 소설의 많은 부분을 차지하다 보니 실제로 관동대지진 이후 벌어진 조선인 학살이나 피해자들에 대한 동향이 거의 나오지 않고 있는 점은 아쉽다. 염상섭의「숙박기」는 대지진을 직접적으로 언급하지는 않지만 재난 이후 재일조선인들의 삶과 지식인들이 받아야 했던 수모를 보여주고 있다. 하숙집을 구해야 하는 사건을 중심으로, 대학살 이후 더해진 조선인들에 대한 차별과 배제가 만연한 것을 그려나간다. 지식인인 주인공이 받는 어려움이 이 정도라면 일용직이나 육체노동을 하는 조선인들의 일상이 어떠했을지는 미루어 짐작이 가능하다. 주인공은 이러한 상황을 통해 조선인으로서의 주체성을 선명하게 자각하는 계기가 되고 이 현실을 그대로 받아들이는 자세를 취한다. 이는 곧 작가 염상섭이 대지진 이후 급속하게 회복된 도쿄 등이 조선 착취를 기반으로 하였음을 깨닫는 과정에서 얻은 결론이었다는 점에서 그 빛을 발한다. 재일조선인에게는 관동대지진이나 조선인대학살과 같은 선연하게 눈에 띠는 재난뿐 아니라 멸시와 차별 등과 같이 하루하루 살아가는 것이 살얼음판이자 재난과 같음을 보여주고 있는 셈이다. The Japanese had been struck by The great Kanto earthquake but the Korean was suffered by a natural disaster besides Korean massacre. After then the Japanese furthermore discriminate Korean. Yojino’s novel ‘The Homecoming’(announced 1930th) and Yeomsangseop’s novel ‘An accommodation’(announced 1926th) were showed the making a living in Japan of Korean intellectual after disaster. Two artists had not experienced disaster, however presented a balanced view through the works. Yojino emphasized solidarity of Korean and Japanese socialists and a labor movement. He wrote ‘The Homecoming’ with direct description of the great Kanto earthquake and Korean massacre. Also he showed confidence from realism novel power by this novel in a situation that experienced disaster writers kept silence. ‘The Homecoming’ was added to popular element, love and romance. The romance with korean man between Japanese woman expressed ‘socialistic feminity’. Yet it was sorry that ‘The Homecoming’ had not taken up the Korean’s pains by the disaster and Korean massacre. Yeomsangseop’s ‘An accommodation’ described daily Korean residents and intellectual personal indignity. That novel reflected on the focused looking for boarding that discrimination and exclusion spread out Korean by Japanese after disaster. Korean intellectual were indignity situation by Japanese, maybe Korean labor were in a lot of pain. The hero faced up to the reality in the process of noticing national identity. That conclusion was showed that Yeomsangseop realized very fast rebuilding of Tokyo after disaster stood on the exploitation from Korean. Korean residence in Japan had been daily disaster done by the Japanese discrimination and exclusion additionally disaster.

관동대학살에 대해 해외 조선인이 생산한 문건과 그 성격

김강산 동국대학교 동국역사문화연구소 2022 동국사학 Vol.74 No.-

The purpose of this article is to examine a group of events recognized by Koreans abroad after the Kanto Massacre in September 1923, and their reactions. In particular, it was categorized by paying attention to documents produced by the Koreans. These documents had the purpose of ‘protest’, ‘propaganda’, and ‘recording’, respectively. In common, the purpose was to uncover the responsibility of the Japanese government, the inhumanity of the massacre of Koreans, and the “innocence” of the murdered Koreans. However, each document showed a big difference in content depending on the time of writing, the object, and the political orientation of the subject. This shows that not only was the overseas Koreans’ perception of the Kanto massacre not unified, but they also actively tried to exclusiveize the case of the “Korean massacre.” Based on this perception, the method of responding to the event was also expressed differently. These documents can confirm the reality of the massacre recognized by the Koreans of the time, and are still the basic data necessary to clarify the specific facts of the massacre of Koreans. In particular, it has historical significance as a countermeasure to leave a ‘memory’ of the massacre of Koreans against the Japanese government’s attempt to conceal it. 이 글의 목적은 1923년 9월 발생한 관동대학살 이후 해외의 조선인들이 인식한 사건의 일단과 그 반응을 살펴보는 것이다. 특히 조선인들이 생산한 문건에 주목하여 유형화하였다. 이들 문건은 각각 ‘항의’, ‘선전’, ‘기록’의 목적을 띠고 있었다. 그리고 공통적으로 일본정부의 책임과 조선인 학살의 비인도성, 피학살 조선인의 ‘무고함’을 밝혀내는데 목적이 있었다. 그러나 각각의 문건은 작성 시점, 대상, 작성 주체의 정치적 지향에 따라 내용상 큰 차이를 보이기도 했다. 이는 관동대학살에 대한 해외 조선인들의 인식이 단일하지 않았을뿐만 아니라, ‘조선인 학살’이라는 사건을 능동적으로 전유하고자 했음을 보여주는 것이다. 이러한 인식을 바탕으로 사건에 대한 대응방법 역시 다르게 표출되었다. 이 문건들은 당대의 조선인들이 인식하고 있던 학살의 실상을 확인할 수 있으며, 현재에도 여전히 조선인 학살의 구체적인 사실을 규명하는데 필요한 기초자료이다. 특히 식민권력의 은폐시도에 맞서 조선인 학살의 ‘기억’을 남기고자 한 하나의 대응방식으로서 그 역사적 의미가 있다.

관동대학살에 대한 재일본조선인의 대응 - 재동경이재조선동포위문반을 중심으로 -

김강산(Kim, Gang San) 독립기념관 한국독립운동사연구소 2021 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.- No.75

이 글의 목적은 관동대학살 이후 일본 내 조선인들의 대응방식을 밝히고 그 성격을 규명하려는 데 있다. 특히 재동경이재조선동포위문반을 중심으로 살펴보고자 한다. 선행연구는 위문반의 활동을 피학살자수를 밝히고자 하는 흐름 속에서 진행되어왔기에 식민권력과의 관계, 단체에 관한 기본정보, 조사결과 등이 불충분하게 규명되었다. 재동경이재조선동포위문반은 1923년 9월 조선에서 결성된 동경지방이재조선인구제회와 밀접한 연관을 맺고 있다. 특히 『동아일보』의 이상협은 지진이 일어난 다음날 일본으로 건너와 위문반 결성에 관여하였고, 구제회의 모금액을 전달하면서 향후 위문반 활동에 기여하였다. 위문반은 재해지역에서 생존하고 있던 조선인들을 구호하는 것, 학살 사실을 조사하는 것, 이상 두 가지의 목표를 가지고 있었다. 그 목표는 조선의 구제회도 동일했다. 그러나 식민권력의 탄압으로 불가능해지면서, 위문반에게 그 사업을 승계하였던 것으로 보인다. 위문반의 구호활동은 식민권력과 일정한 협력 속에 전개되었다. 그것은 식민권력이 대외적 상황을 의식할 수 밖에 없었던 상황과 밀접한 연관이 있으며, 위문반은 이를 잘 이용한 것으로 생각된다. 한편 조사활동은 감시와 탄압, 은폐 속에 전개되었다. 조선인 학살 사실을 조사하는 과정에서 여러가지 어려움이 있었지만 두 달에 걸친 조사결과를 1923년 12월 <동경조선인대회>에서 발표하였다. 위문반의 조사결과 발표에서 피학살자 수를 밝힌 것뿐만 아니라 학살의 원인으로 ‘유언비어’를 지목하고, 그 책임자로서 일본정부를 명백하게 지목하고 있는 것이 눈에 띈다. 나아가 해외에 이 사실을 선전하기 위해 「虐殺」이라는 팸플릿을 작성하기도 했다. 이는 기존 연구에서 파악한 바 위문반을 ‘피학살자수를 조사한 단체’ 정도로 파악한 것을 넘어, 더욱 적극적으로 해석할 필요가 있음을 시사한다. The current article aimed to determine how the Koreans in Japan counteracted after Kantou Massacre at that time, and to identify the characteristics of it specifically focusing on the perspective of ‘the Consolation group for Korean Victims in Tokyo suffering from calamities(在東京罹災朝鮮同胞慰問班)’. The previous study on the movement of ‘the Consolation group for Korean Victims in Tokyo suffering from calamities’ was conducted in accordance with the identification of the number of victims. So, the basic information on the organization, relationship with the colonial authority, and the results of investigation are insufficiently demonstrated. ‘the Consolation group for Korean Victims in Tokyo suffering from calamities’ had close relationship with ‘the Association of Relief for Korean Victims in Tokyo suffering from Calamities(東京地方罹災朝鮮人救濟會)’ which was organized in Joseon in September 1923. Sang Hyeop Lee of Dong-A Ilbo went over to Japan the day after the earthquake, got involved in the formation of ‘the Consolation group for Korean Victims in Tokyo suffering from calamities, and contributed to the operations of ‘the Consolation group for Korean Victims in Tokyo suffering from calamities’ by delivering the raised collection from ‘the Association of Relief for Korean Victims in Tokyo suffering from Calamities’. ‘the Consolation group for Korean Victims in Tokyo suffering from calamities’ tried to achieve two main objectives, so as ‘the Association of Relief for Korean Victims in Tokyo suffering from Calamities’ of Joseon, which were to aid survived Koreans in the devastated area and to investigate on the massacre. It seemed as ‘the Association of Relief for Korean Victims in Tokyo suffering from Calamities’ was oppressed by the colonial authority and had to succeed the activity to ‘the Consolation group for Korean Victims in Tokyo suffering from calamities’. The relief work of ‘the Consolation group for Korean Victims in Tokyo suffering from calamities’ was carried out with the cooperation of colonial authority. It was related to the situation that the colonial authority had to consider their international public image, and ‘the Consolation group for Korean Victims in Tokyo suffering from calamities’ took advantage of it. On the other hand, the investigation was conducted under surveillance, suppression, and concealment. There were difficulties in two months of investigation on the massacre of Koreans, but it was able to present the results at ‘The Great Meeting of Koreans in Tokyo(東京朝鮮人大會)’ in December 1923. In the presentation, ‘the Consolation group for Korean Victims in Tokyo suffering from calamities’ determined the number of victims, stated a groundless rumor as the reason for massacre, and clearly identified that Japanese government was responsible for it. Furthermore, as recognized from the previous study, they issued a leaflet named ‘虐殺’ to inform the truth abroad. Thus it implies that comprehending ‘the Consolation group for Korean Victims in Tokyo suffering from calamities’ not only as an organization that investigated the number of victims, but also as fact-finding body is necessary.

에스닉 미디어는 동포의 재난을 어떻게 보도하는가-관동대지진 이후 한인학살에 대한 『신한민보』의 보도를 중심으로

정한나 구보학회 2024 구보학보 Vol.- No.36

이 글은 관동대지진 이후 조선인 학살에 대한 『신한민보』의 보도를 미국, 조선, 일본의 관계망 안에서 분석하는 것을 목표로 한다. 관동대지진 발발 이후 한국인에 대한 미국 언론의 보도는 시기에 따라 세 가지 양상으로 정리된다. 먼저 지진 발발 직후인 9월 초의 보도는 한국인을 일탈적이고 폭력적인 존재로 그린다. 다음으로 한인학살에 대한 일본 정부의 공식 발표가 있었던 10월 말 이후의 보도에서는 무고한 한국인의 표상이 지배적이다. 마지막으로 한국친우회의 학살사건 진상조사 요청이 있었던 11월 말~12월 초의 보도에서 한국인들은 극도로 무력한 존재로 나타난다. 요컨대 다수의 신문은 지역, 정치색과 무관하게 유사한 한국인 표상을 양산했다. 이러한 경향성은 각 신문사가 뉴스 통신사의 뉴스를 받아쓴 결과 형성되었다. 뉴스 통신사는 중립성과 객관성을 중시하지만, 일본 정부의 강도 높은 언론통제로 인해 이 가치는 충분히 구현되지 못했다. 『신한민보』의 진재 관련 보도 역시 시기에 따라 변화를 보인다. 9월 한 달간 『신한민보』는 인근의 일간지 기사를 참조하여 진재 보도를 수행했다. 그 결과 한인 관련 보도는 매우 제한적인 수준에서 이루어진다. 그러나 『신한민보』는 ‘부기’와 제목을 통해 일본 정부에 대한 반감과 “동포”를 향한 동정을 표현했다. ‘부기’와 제목은 현지의 언론에 기대면서도 이를 적절히 전유하는 수단으로 꾸준히 활용되었다. 10월부터 『신한민보』는 『동아일보』 기사를 전재하는 방식을 취한다. 이러한 방식의 보도는 재경 한인에 대한 심층적 보도를 가능케 했지만 시의성이 떨어지는 기사를 게재하고, 제국의 검열에 도전적으로 응전하지 못한다는 문제점을 동반하기도 했다. 일본 정부가 한인 학살사건을 인정한 후인 11월경부터 『신한민보』의 보도는 다시 한번 변화를 보인다. 길이와 장르, 모든 면에서 텍스트의 성격이 다변화한 것이다. 『신한민보』는 단신, 사설, 번역물, 편지글, 기고 등 다양한 형태의 텍스트를 통해 한인학살 사건을 초점화했다. 이 글은 『신한민보』의 한인학살 보도가 생산, 이동, 변용되는 과정을 추적함으로써 에스닉 미디어로서의 『신한민보』가 보여준 특징과 한계를 논구했다는 의의가 있다. This paper aims to analyze the coverage of the The New Korea(Shinha-Minbo), a Korean newspaper, on the massacre of Koreans following the Kanto Earthquake in the networks of the United States, Korea, and Japan. The U.S. media coverage of Koreans after the Kanto Earthquake can be categorized into three patterns depending on the timing. Firstly, the reports in early September, immediately after the earthquake, depict Koreans as deviant and violent beings. Subsequently, in the coverage after Japan’s official announcement of the Korean massacre at the end of October, innocent Koreans become the predominant representation. Lastly, in the reports from late November to early December, following the request for an investigation into the massacre by the Korea Friendship Association, Koreans are portrayed as extremely powerless. In summary, regardless of regional and political affiliations, most newspapers generated a similar image of Koreans. This trend was formed as a result of various newspapers reproducing news from news agencies. Despite the news agencies prioritizing neutrality and objectivity, these values were not fully implemented due to the strong media control by the Japanese government. The New Korea’s coverage of the disaster also underwent changes depending on the timing. Throughout September, The New Korea conducted disaster coverage by referencing articles from local newspapers for a month. As a result, coverage related to Koreans was carried out at a very limited level. However, The New Korea expressed resentment towards the Japanese government and sympathy for “compatriots” through the use of “Bugi(付記, opinion pieces)” and headlines. “Bugi” and headlines were consistently utilized as a means to express these sentiments while relying on the local press. Starting from October, The New Korea adopted a method of reproducing articles from Donga Ilbo. Although this approach enabled in-depth coverage of the economic situation of Koreans, it came with the drawback of publishing less timely articles and being unable to confront the empire’s censorship challengingly. After the Japanese government acknowledged the massacre of Koreans, around November, The New Korea’s coverage once again underwent a transformation. The nature of the text diversified in terms of length, genre, and every aspect. The New Korea focused on the Korean massacre through various forms of text, including brief news, editorials, translations, letters, and contributions. This paper seeks to discuss the significance of tracking the process of production, dissemination, and adaptation of The New Korea’s coverage of the Korean massacre. It aims to highlight the characteristics and limitations of The New Korea as an ethnic media by doing so.