베이징올림픽 전·후로 표출된 중국민족주의 연구

임규섭 경희대학교(국제캠퍼스) 국제지역연구원 2008 아태연구 Vol.15 No.2

Since it is an indispensible relationship between sports and politics in China, policies related with sports are closely related with change of political situations of the nation. In addition, as sport systems around the central government are formed, they are operated around organizations and systems which are controlled by the central government. This paper is intended to analyze relationships between Beijing Olympic and development of Chinese nationalism under operation of national ideology of the Chinese government. Chinese nationalism is considered as a major factor for holding Beijing Olympic successfully and effect of Beijing Olympic on the development of Chinese nationalism is also analyzed. Especially it is examined how contents and characters of Chinese nationalism changed before and after a successful holding of Beijing Olympic. Even though Chinese nationalism is largely noted again thank to Beijing Olympic, it is not temporary phenomena but it lies on a consecutive line of nationalism which appeared due to confidence of the Chinese and in its response to the western world since the 1990s. A successful holding of Beijing Olympic strengthened both national confidence and cohesive power of the Chinese, and invoked emotion of a strong country which had been hidden in the history of China. The Chinese government utilized culture-nationalism to the maximum with a fundamental frame of state-nationalism. Consequently some change occurred in respect of contents and types of Chinese nationalism, and it acted as opportunity that the key point of Chinese nationalism is transformed from "How can we save China?" in the past to "How can China become as a leading country in the world?" at present. Both Beijing Olympic and Chinese nationalism have developed in the dialectical relationship. 중국은 스포츠와 정치가 불가분 관계를 형성하고 있어서 스포츠 정책은 국가의 정치적 상황변화와 밀접한 관련이 있으며, 중앙정부 중심의 스포츠체제를 형성하고 있어서 중앙 지배적 조직과 시스템을 중심으로 운영되고 있다. 본 논문은 중국정부의 국가이데올로기 운용 하에서 베이징올림픽과 중국민족주의 발전간의 상관관계 분석을 그 목적으로 한다. 중국민족주의를 베이징올림픽의 성공적 개최를 위한 주요 변수로 보며, 베이징올림픽이 중국민족주의 발전에 미친 영향도 분석한다. 특히 베이징올림픽의 성공적 개최를 전·후해서 중국민족주의 내용 및 그 성격이 변화했는지 살펴본다. 중국민족주의는 올림픽을 계기로 다시 주목받기는 했지만, 이는 일시적으로 일어났다기보다는 개혁개방이 본격화된 1990년대 이후 중국의 자신감과 서구세계에 대한 반응으로 나타난 민족주의의 연장선상에 있다. 베이징올림픽의 성공적 개최는 중국인들의 민족적 자신감과 응집력을 강화하였고, 중국 역사 속에 깊이 묻혀있던 강국의 정서를 불러일으켰다. 중국정부는 국가민족주의를 기본 틀로 하여 문화민족주의를 최대한 활용했다. 결과적으로, 중국민족주의는 그 내용 및 형태에도 약간의 변화가 일어났으며, 중국민족주의의 핵심이 과거에는 “어떻게 하면 국가를 구할 수 있을까?”에서 현재는 “어떻게 하면 중국이 세계의 영도적 국가가 될 수 있을까?”로 전환하는 계기가 되었다. 베이징올림픽과 중국민족주의는 상호 변증적 관계를 가지면서 발전하였다.

現實主義民族主義: 民族主義與中國安全政策

楊雯婷 ( Florence (wen-ting) Yang ) 성균관대학교 성균중국연구소 2019 중국사회과학논총 Vol.1 No.2

由1980年代開始學者們開始注意到中國民族主義對於其外交政策的影響,在1990年代對此進行激辯。然而,2008年以來,伴隨著其崛起的軍事實力,中國執著於擴張核心利益的內容,對領土爭議立場趨向強硬。部分學者們將其解釋為中國民族主義似已轉而影響安全政策。本文目的在於探索中國民族主義如何與中國安全政策作連結。具體而言,本文檢驗光磊的「現實政治民族主義」及Christopher Hughes的「極端地緣政治民族主義」概念,這兩個概念都試圖分析民族主義是否影響了中國的安全政策。筆者補充可行的修改建議,並提出「現實主義民族主義」的概念。「現實主義民族主義」認為民族主義為國家目標,現階段仍為保護「領土完整、主權獨立及國際合法性地位」,而現實主義則是實踐的方法及行為準則,因此在領土爭議上採取的安全政策,會因為自身及對手的國力、核心利益的有無而有差異。不過,民族主義如果走向激進化,國家目標可能轉向追求區域強權,因此需要密切觀察中國民族主義的變化。 Since 1980s, scholars started to notice the impact of nationalism on Chinese foreign policy and debated about whether it will be positive or negative impact in 1990s. However, after 2008, accompanied with its rising military power, China seemed to expand the definition of core interest and turn assertive on territorial dispute. Some scholars analyzed these trends as Chinese nationalism’s influence on security policy. This article explores the connection between Chinese nationalism and its security policy. It first examines Guang Lei (光磊)’s “realpolitik nationalism” and Christopher Hughes’s “Geopolitik nationalism” concepts focusing on Chinese nationalism and its relevance to security policies. The author continues to provide a new concept “Realist Nationalism” revised from Guang and Hughes’s concepts. “Realist Nationalism” argues that the goal that state pursues is fundamentally nationalistic while the measures and behavior patterns that state adopts are based on realism. Thus, in different territorial disputes China might act differently considering the relative capability between China and other states and whether there are core interests. Although China’s nationalistic goal at this stage is to protect the territorial integrity, sovereignty, and international legitimacy, if Chinese nationalism becomes more radical at home, China’s nationalistic goal may change, e.g. pursuing regional hegemon status. Thus, we need to pay more attention to the development of Chinese nationalism.

‘건설’중인 중화민족주의와 서부 변경 교통 네트워크

박선영(Sunyoung Park) 중국근현대사학회 2014 중국근현대사연구 Vol.64 No.-

The following paper depicts how the People’s Republic of China (PRC) dynamic expanded Sinicization to the Western Frontiers, Xinjiang Provinces, and Tibet; within the construct of Chinese Nationalism by way of the construction of the Xinzang Road (新藏公路) from Xinjiang Province to Tibet and Qingzang (靑藏鐵路) Railroad from Beijing (Xining Qinghai) to Lhasa Tibet. Based on this construct of nationalism, there are many factors to consider when looking at the expansion of sinicization. First, focus was applied to when and how the concept of a ‘Chinese Nation (中華民族)’ was created and the changing of this generalization. Second, an investigation of what kind of internal and external reasons the PRC placed attention on the West was considered. Third, an analysis of Chinese Nationalism construction through the networking transportation system from top (central government) to bottom (local government), was taken into account. Fourth, in the name of economic development, the PRC has taken alot of large scale projects due to the security of resources and control the West. Moreover, the dilemma between the development and the destruction in the West was analyzed. Finally, deciphering the truth from the fact through ‘the Chinese dream’ and Chinese nationalism to ascertain the truth of symmetry and asymmetry was implemented. The PRC understand how important the West is on a national and global scale, as a result it seeks to magnify Chinese nationalism to all minor ethnics of China to be a part of a ‘Chinese Nation’ in order to achieve ‘the Chinese Dream’, making China a strong, powerful, and wealthy country. Motions to realize this magnification has included political control with network transportation systems from the top to bottom by Qingzang railroad and locally by Xinzang Road. The PRC realizes which factors incite minor ethnic conflicts in the West; mainly that there lay a difference between the way of life and cultural values. Especially economic problems (resource development and benefits distribution), Social problems (job security and social welfare), cultural problems (between official and ethnic languages used in public), administrative management problems (administrative division adjustment, being raised to the status of a city), Management of Religion (temple, mosque, mass religious activity management), public order and legal problems (personal conflicts and society management) etc. These problems aren’t just limited to civilian conflict, but has even extended to anti-government demonstrations. Despite these barriers, the PRC promptly expanded Chinese Nationalism to the West with putting a great deal of effort to create ‘One Chinese Nation’. Historically, this cultural genocide was meticulously planned by the PRC as the Dalai Lama has mentioned which naturally resulted in moving products and labor from the East. Only time will tell if the historical pursuits of forming a national Chinese identity in order to expand Chinese nationalism, will produce the happiness and harmony of its people the republic so desires.

중국식 인터넷 문화: 민족주의 담론 분석

이민자 ( Minja Lee ) 현대중국학회 2018 現代中國硏究 Vol.20 No.2

이 논문의 연구목적은 중국정부와 네티즌이 온라인 공간에서 어떻게 상호작용하는지를 민족주의 사례를 통해 보여줌으로써 ‘중국식 인터넷 문화’를 설명하는 것이다. 연구대상은 소수민족의 민족주의와 중화(中華) 민족주의 사례 분석이다. 중국에서 민족주의 이슈는 ‘허용과 통제’의 양면성을 지닌 흥미로운 이슈이다. ‘중화민족의 위대한 부흥’을 강조하는 중화민족주의는 중국정부가 허용하는 이슈이지만, ‘하나의 중국 원칙’을 위협하는 소수민족의 민족주의는 엄격히 금지하는 이슈이다. 연구 내용은 다음 두 가지 이다. 첫째, 중국 국내에서 소수민족이 온라인 공간을 이용하여 집단저항을 조직화하려 할 때, 중국정부가 원하지 않는 온라인 정보유통을 차단하기 위해 소수민족의 민족주의를 어떻게 통제하는지 살펴본다. 둘째, 대외적 민족갈등 이슈가 있을 때 중국정부가 어떤 방식으로 온라인 활동에 참여하여 중화 민족주의 여론을 조성하고 활용하는지 살펴본다. 이를 통해 중국정부가 ‘온라인 통제’와 ‘온라인 활동’을 병행하며 원하는 방향으로 온라인 민족주의를 활용하는 방식을 설명하려 한다. 이 연구의 차별성은 중국정부가 온라인 여론을 관리하기 위해 온라인 통제와 활동을 병행하며 온라인 공간을 정부공간으로 만들어가는 방식을 설명하는 것이다. The purpose of this paper is to explain the “Chinese-Style Internet Culture” by showing how the Chinese government and netizens interact in online space through a case study of nationalism. The subjects of this study are Chinese nationalism and minority nationalism in China. The issue of nationalism in China is an interesting issue with both sides of “permission and control.” Chinese nationalism, that emphasizes the "great revival of the Chinese people," is an issue allowed by the Chinese government, but minority nationalism that threatens the "one China principle" is a strictly forbidden issue. This research focuses on two issues. First, it examines how the Chinese government controls minority nationalism in order to block unwanted online information circulation when minorities in China try to organize group resistance by using online space. Second, it examines how the Chinese government participates in online activities when there is an issue of external ethnic conflicts, creating and using Chinese nationalism. This study attempts to explain how the Chinese government combines online control and activities to manage online public opinion and translates online space into government space.

사상적 연원과 시대적 흐름을 통해 본 시진핑(習近平) 정부의 중화민족주의 강화

조봉래 ( Cho Bonglae ) 한국민족연구원 2017 민족연구 Vol.0 No.70

최근 한중관계는 사드를 둘러싼 갈등으로 매우 경색되어 있다. 또한 시진핑정부는 중화민족주의를 점점 강화하고 있다. 중화민족주의는 시대적 흐름에 따라 몇 가지 연원을 가지고 있다. 첫 번째는 중국전통의 중화사상으로 일종의 문화 우월감을 바탕으로 한 민족관념인데 이는 종족주의와 다른 것이다. 두 번째는 서양문명을 받아들이며 형성된 근대적 민족주의 관념이다. 1840년 아편전쟁 이후 중국의 위기는 중국의 지식인들로 하여금 `구망`의 길을 모색하게 했다. 서양의 `사회진화론`을 널리 받아들여 근대적인 민족관념을 형성했다. 세 번째는 쑨원의 `삼민주의`이다. 신해혁명당시 쑨원의 주요목적은 `멸만흥한`이었지만 신해혁명이 끝난 후 소수민족까지 모두 포함하는 민족주의를 강조하게 되었는데, 현대 `중화민족`의 개념은 쑨원이 정립했다고 보아도 무방하다. 넷째, 마오쩌둥의 `민족해방사상`이다. 마오쩌둥은 근대적 민족관념을 계승·발전 시켰는데 그는 중화민족은 바로 중국의 신민주주의혁명의 주체라고 생각했다. 항일전쟁 후 그의 `민족해방사상`은 중국혁명 과정에서 큰 역할을 했다. 개혁개방 이후 `중화민족`은 국가 발전의 동력과 주체가 되었다. 이 시기 중국의 경제는 매우 빠르게 발전했고, 국제적인 지위는 올라갔지만 새로운 모순들도 생겨났다. 이에 중국 정부는 애국주의를 강조해서 인민들을 단결시킴으로써 모순을 해결하고자 하였다. 중국공산당의 제 18차 전국대표대회 이후 시진핑은 `중국몽`이라는 지도사상과 중요한 집정이념을 제출했다. 시진핑은 `중국몽`을 “중화민족의 위대한 부흥을 실현하는 것으로 중화민족의 근대 이후의 가장 위대한 꿈”이라고 정의했다. 이러한 배경으로 인해 시진핑정부는 중화민족주의를 강화하려 하는 것이다. Recently, the dispute over the placement of THAAD(Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) let the South Korea-China relations worsen. And what`s more , President Xi Jinping and the Chinese government continues to strengthen the Chinese Nationalism. The Chinese Nationalism has its several ideological origin and it changed with the times. The first is the traditional Sinocentrism, which based on cultural superiority complex. It refers to the historical ideology that China is the cultural center of the world. The second is “modern Chinese nationalism” that imported from the West. The Darwinian evolutionism introduced in China in 1890s had a great intellectual impact on the formation of modern Chinese nationalism. The third origin is “the three-peoples principles” of Sun Wen. After Xinhai Revolution, Sun Wen emphasized the Chinese nationalism that include all minority race. Sun Wen pioneered the “modern Chinese nationalism” concept. The fourth origin is the “thought of the national liberation” of Mao Zedong. He inherited and develped modern Chinese nationalism. He judged that every Chinese nation is must be an agent of “the New Democratic Revolution”. After Anti Japanese War, his “thougt of the national liberation” played a major role in Chinese revolution. After “the reform and openness policy”, Chiese nation is be a power and an agent of Chinese economic development. During this time, Chinese productive capacity advanced quickly. But also China met with a new difficulty. Chinese government groomed the “Patriotism” to solve a new problem. President Xi Jinping presented strategic planning objective which called “Chinese Dream” at the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China. The Chinese Dream is about Chinese prosperity, collective effort, socialism, and national glory.

중국조선족 시인의 장거리 민족주의와 통일에의 염원 - 시인 홍용암의 경우를 중심으로

송명희 동북아시아문화학회 2014 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.40

I analyzed poetry of Hong Yong-am who has strong desire for unification among the Korean Chinese poets and has ethnic identity as Korean. Especially, on a basis of dandelions, white clouds and bridge etc images, he parsed perception of identity as diaspora of Korean chinese and aspiration for unification. Hong Yong-am analyzed the identification of diaspora through dandelions, imagination of freedom which could come and go to missing his homeland, expressing the desire for his mother country about the unification through the bridge. so I wrote the thesis on attempting to analyze these images. Through his poetry including the title poem ‘The story of being white cloud’, he expressed the seed of white dandelions on the ground and white cloud on sky did mean Korean Chinese who wandered about aimlessly by diaspora. The dandelions symbolized white-clad folk in terms that color is white and the separated Korean Chinese who were scatted by leaving for the Korean peninsula. Therefore, the dandelions is the figuration of collective identity of the Korean Chinese as the diaspora. The dandelions is one of the main images which was expressed by Korean Chinese since the late of 1970's. Hong Yong-am expressed the dandelions as the ethnic images according to the poetic convention. White cloud is also symbolized the diaspora of the Korean people who wandered about aimlessly in a foreign land. White cloud, like the dandelions, means white-clad folk, the Korean people. Hong Yong-am provokes the recognition of ethnic identity of Korean Chinese who couldn't settle anywhere leaving for the Korean peninsula and his pen name is Baek-un(white clouds). The white cloud in ‘The story of being white cloud’, ‘I am a speck of cloud’ etc is symbolized the Korean Chinese even himself who wandered about aimlessly to China as diaspora. The white cloud means the Korean people, the color of white of white-clad folk. Korean people have collective unconscious as preference the color of white being called the white complex. The emotional affection to the color of white doesn't unrelated to be called the Korean people as white-clad folk. However, the existence is just a hope as the white cloud which could come and go to the Korean peninsula through the China. The Korean Chinese cannot go to their hometown practically if they wanted go there. In this regard, diplomatic relations between Korea and China in 1990's, His poetry reflected reality which the Korean Chinese couldn't come and go freely. The poetry of Hong Yong-am expressed the aspiration of unification beyond longing repeatedly. Unification is the desire of korean national abroad as sharing blood, culture and history as well as the South and the North of Korea. He didn't wish national unification simply but expressed the hope that he wanted to participate to make unification and commanded to the South and the North of Korea. Hong Yong-am expressed the motive of his creation was dying ethnic identity of Korean Chinese and the sense of duty for recovering ethnic pride. He couldn't have integrated identity as he was putted the situation surrounding discriminations against to Korean Chinese. In other words, he defined his attitude to identify the traditional a native culture but to ignore the mainstream cultures of Chinese. However, this upbringing helped him to have the firm national identify. He realize ethnic group race as the nations sharing blood, culture, history and a common destiny. These conceptions could surpass the territory setting a nation-state. In other words, it's the same conceptions of the long-distance nationalism by Benedict Anderson. As new form of this nationalism could come to the fore because of becoming more common diaspora. Korea makes group Korean national abroad as overseas residents and gives the right to vote to contribute to the advancement of their homeland. That is to say that Korea establishes the long distance nationalism as policy to korean national abroad to promote the development of Korea. Through his poetry, I thought that he could express crossing the frontier in the nationalism of age of globalization, also made diaspora because of immigration having dual identities in separated political system from homeland and residence have affection to and pride of their homeland as the differentiated conception of the long distance nationalism. Therefore, We have to concerned about Korean national abroad and their literatures beyond the boundary of territory and nation in age of globalization.

中國共産黨의 中華民族 수용 — 계승과 단절, 그리고 마르크스-레닌주의 요소 —

손장훈 중국근현대사학회 2024 중국근현대사연구 Vol.101 No.-

Chinese Communist Party(hereafter CCP) has changed its attitude to ‘Chinese Nation’ in its own history. Early CCP suggest ‘Federal China’ based on independent relationship between Han and other ethnic minors. However, since war against Japan, CCP changed its attitude to ethnic minors and ‘Chinese nation’. ‘Chinese Nation’ was newly approved under the name of ‘The Big family of Chinese Nation’. On the other hand, ‘Federal China’ and ‘independence of ethnic minority’ was throughly denied. The change had its own logical bases. First, anti-imperialism was important and inherited logic in composing “The Big family of the Chinese Nation”. Rhetoric that ‘Chinese Nation’ must defeat imperialist and recover its supremacy over stolen territory successfully justified Chinese annexation of ethnic minors’ before and after the Communist revolution. Second, CCP diffrentiated their ‘amalgamation(ronghe)’ from prior ‘assimilation(tonghua)’. According to CCP, as being ‘Chinese nation’. assimilation in Qing dynasty and Nationalist could not be as complete as amalgamation. Unlike assimilation, ‘amalgamation’ acknowledged the difference between ethnics in china because it regard current ‘Chinese nation’ as something ongoing. Third, socialism also played its role for legitimacy of ‘The Big family of Chinese nation’. CCP asserted that self-determination doctrine of Marxism–Leninism was denied by Marxism–Leninism itself as it gives higher priority to revolution than self-determination. On the condition that imperialist who want frustration of revolution in China, seduced ethnic minorities to give up Chinese revolution by being apart from China and getting self determination, their independence should be abandoned for the greater good of communist revolution. When confronted with the fact that Soviet Union had the federal system with nominal self determination of ethnic groups, CCP emphasized the historical, cultural, and economical difference between China and Soviet Union. The three logical base of CCP’s ‘The Big family of Chinese Nation’, anti-imperialism, amalgamation(ronghe), and Marxism–Leninism, has continuity and discontinuity from ‘Chinese nation’ of modern China, which means naturalization of Marxist–Leninist party of China.

20세기 초 중국지식인의 "국민성(國民性)" 인식 -『중국인적성격(中國人的性格)』과 『중국인적정신(中國人的精神)』을 중심으로-

이준태 ( Jun Tae Lee ) 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 중국연구소 2010 中國硏究 Vol.49 No.-

This study aims to provide an academic inquiry of chinese intellectuals` different perception of `national character` in the early 20th century when China was about to enter the first stage of nation-state building. For a meaningful inquiry, this study compared two academically important books: one book was written by Arther H. Smith(1845~1932), 『Chinese Characteristics』which described Chinese national characteristics based on his life experience in China for 22 years, and the other written by Gu Hongming(1857~1928), 『The Spirit of the Chinese People』, which focused on Chinese cultural pride. This study also investigated Chinese enlightenment -intellectuals` comments on the two polemical books. This study found that there were different perception of `national character` among three different intellectuals, foreign investigators, Chinese intellectuals with European experience, and Chinese intellectuals without such experience. According to the results of comparative analysis, there was obvious meaningful difference regarding to the concept between `national character` and `國民性-Guo min xing`. In particular, the meaning of `national character` perceived by Chinese intellectuals seemed to have chronological aspect like historians` evaluation of a certain generation. For the first time, the concept of `national character` was used by Chinese intellectuals in the last period of Chin dynasty to provide a unique, but Chinese centered, theoretical tradition that would be helpful to transform China into a modern nation-state. In other words, a certain ethinic people`s national character could have a positive or negative tendency based on such peoples` own perception of what kind of nation-state they wanted to build. In this context, Chinese intellectuals looked out for diverse ideal types of nation-state and uniqueness of Chinese national character. Therefore, the discourse of `national character` as an academic concept seems not to be done in the 21th century.

중국 조선족 소설과 소수민족주의의 확립

김형규(Hyeong Gyu Kim) 한국현대소설학회 2009 현대소설연구 Vol.- No.40

Chinese nationalism is strictly divided into political nationalism and cultural nationalism with hierarchical system. Korean Chinese literature also defines itself within the relationship with Chinese nationalism. In this context, duality of Korean Chinese literature is not originated from conflict between the country (nationality) and the people but from minority nationalism with heterogeneous nature against totality and integration of the country. 《Janghwaggot》, published in 1962 before the Cultural Revolution and after anti-right wing resistance, and works during the Revolution demonstrate significant superficial difference. Yet these works show duality of reflecting and building self-identity as minority in China in the midst of strong social ambience of political nationalism; while works before the Revolution relatively maintained specificity in terms of shaping novels, the stories based on nationalism as Korean were considerably weakened. Rather, the works confirm self-identity and reveal an aspect of becoming Chinese that diminishes national characteristics of Korean through devoted narration. Works during the Cultural Revolution directly reveals self-identity as part of socialistic revolution through narration based on class and ideas. Korean Chinese novels since anti-right wing resistance through the Cultural Revolution reveal the process of becoming Chinese by shaping self-identity as Chinese public in novels. Becoming Chinese is also a process of changing national characteristics of Korean Chinese into those of minority in China.

중화YMCA와 중국 근대 지식인의 사상적 지형, 1895-1921

김수영 ( Soo Young Kim ) 중국사학회 2016 中國史硏究 Vol.101 No.-

The purpose of this study is to draw a new ideological terrain of modern Chinese intellectuals by investigating the activities of the Chinese YMCA during the years of 1895-1921. This thesis focuses on three academic issues. First one is to how to reinterpret the relationship between culture and politics. Chinese Communism and the YMCA had been generally conceived as both politically and ideologically confrontational. However these two hostile political forces of CCP and YMCA were actually sharing critical elements of the cultural values . By discovering and highlighting the common cultural values, we can overcome the convention that culture subordinates to politics and also can realize the potential power of the culture to overcome political conflicts. Secondly this thesis focuses on the limitations of the current historiography of ``writing origins.`` The paradox that the activities of the historical loser, Chinese YMCA played a significant role in the birth of the young Chinese communists, the historical winner, would be employed in this thesis to overcome the current historiography of origin. Third, historical example will be shown to reveal how internationalism and nationalism are fused together. Chinese YMCA had citizen as their main activity goal the formation of the modern citizens which were essential to building a modern state. The analysis of Chinese YMCA in the years of 1895-1921 reveal how nationalism and internationalism were integrated into each other in the modern Chinese intellectual society. Under these three academic concerns this thesis reached the following three conclusions. First, the programs and organizational power of the Chinese YMCA were very effective in spreading the ``social`` consciousness into Chinese society. If it was the ``social`` consciousness that opened the minds of Chinese youth to accept Marxism, we can say that YMCA``s activity left a huge mark on the origins of Chinese communism. Second, the activities of the Chinese YMCA occupied a crucial part of the origins of the New Culture Movement. Most of the existing research about the origins of Chinese communism equates the New Culture Thoughts with the spirit of XinQingnian. However, the core values of the New Culture Movement such as women``s liberation, equality, freedom etc., were not only the conviction of the XinQingnian but also of the Chinese YMCA. Thirdly, Chinese YMCA , strongly believing in mankind``s salvation and the modern purpose of nation-building, successfully combined their aims of internationalism and nationalism. This feature of the YMCA reveals itself strikingly similar to the spirit of the early Chinese communist movement that pursued both proletarian internationalism and nationalism, and also very similar to the intellectual belief of the New Culture Movement that cherished a strong nationalist aspirations of China``s salvation and cosmopolitanism of human freedom and equality.