신라 경덕왕대 국내외정세에서 본 일본의 ‘신라정토계획’

조이옥 동국대학교 WISE(와이즈)캠퍼스 신라문화연구소 2015 新羅文化 Vol.46 No.-

Japan's attack plan against Silla refers to the series of incidents where Japan attempted to attack Silla with the changes that came with Ahn-sa's rebellion. Since 1930s, the studies on this issue have been made by the Japanese researchers from the perspective where Japan justified the legitimacy of the attack. The Korean researchers, however, have the tendency to accept them indiscriminately. Based on the this problematic tendency this study questions the feasibility of Japan's attack plan against Silla which is only contained in Japan's historical records, and reinterprets it based on the circumstances during the reign of King Kyungduk. Considering the fact that before and after the Ahn-sa's rebellion, Silla was focusing on the improvement of the domestic system while at the same time, seeking a relationship with Balhe, the attack plan against Silla, formulated by Hujiwarono Nakamano, was in fact, a military mobilization to prepare for Silla's attack rather than an aggressive military attack. Furthermore, since the mid 8th century Japan's relationship with Silla was in high tension and Japan's military power at that time was not strong enough to solely attack Silla. On the other hand, while Japan was pushing forward the attack plan, Japan kept close relationship with Balhe, and former researchers presumed that Japan planned on the attack against Silla with the help of Balhe. But this study attests that threatened by the relationship of Silla and Balhe, Japan actively sought relationship with Balhe to avoid isolation from the two countries. In conclusion, Japan's attack plan against Silla is only a product of emperor centered historical view of Japan and in reality, was just a military activity to fight for Silla's threat.

660년 당군과 신라군의 연합 작전에서의 몇 가지 문제

남정호(Nam, Jung-ho) 호서사학회 2018 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.87

이 논문은 660년 백제 공격에 나선 당군과 신라군의 연합 작전이 어떤 의도를 갖고 어떻게 전개된 것인지를 알아보고자 한 것이다. 이미 당과 신라 연합군의 기본 전략에 대해서는 기존의 연구 성과들이 누적되어 있어 큰 줄기는 밝혀져 있지만 세부적인 면에서 언급되지 않거나 보강이 필요한 부분들을 메워 양국의 연합 작전을 구체적으로 복원해 보고자 하였다. 우선 백제 공격을 결정한 당이 신라에게 덕물도에서 회합하자고한 이유는 당군이 서해 중부 횡단항로를 이용하여 덕물도에 도착하였기 때문이었다. 이 항로에 대한 정보는 신라에서 제공한 것으로 보인다. 이 때 당은 신라에 구체적인 작전 계획은 전하지 않았기 때문에 신라군은 경기도 일대에서 당군과 합군하거나 양국 군대가 따로 진격하는 경우를 모두 염두에 두어야 했다. 그래서 신라군은 남천정까지 북상하였던 것이다. 비록 신라군이 의도한 것은 아니었지만 이와 같은 신라군의 북상은 백제의 방어 전략 수립을 혼란스럽게 만든 효과를 낳았다. 덕물도 회합에서 소정방이 제시한 전략은 수륙 양공 작전과 사비성 남쪽에서의 합군이었다. 수륙 양공 작전은 백제의 방어선을 분산시켜 병력 손실을 최소화하고 빠른 시일 내에 전쟁을 끝내겠다는 속전속결의 전략이었다. 그러나 상대적으로 해로를 이용하는 당군에 비해 육로로 백제 국경을 돌파해야 하는 신라군에게 불리한 전략이었다. 양군이 사비성 남쪽에서 합군하기로 한 것은 백제 방어선이 비교적 약한 곳으로 진격하고자 한 것이었지만, 유사시 의자왕이 남쪽의 전라도 방면으로 피신하여 전쟁이 길어지는 것을 막고자 하는 의도였다. 한편 이 당시 당군이 신라군에게 보급 부대의 역할을 맡긴 것으로 보는 견해가 널리 확산되고 있는데, 군사 전략 상의 문제점과 실제 신라군의 수송 능력 등을 고려하면 당시 신라군만이 전적으로 보급 부대의 역할을 하였다고 보기는 어렵다. 특히 당군이 유인궤로 하여금 별도의 보급 부대를 담당하도록 했던 자료에 근거하면 신라군에게 보급을 전담시킨 것이 아니라 별도의 보급 부대를 운용했음을 알 수 있다. This paper is to find out what intention brought about the allied military operation of Tang Dynasty and Silla to attack Baekjae in 660 and how it was carried out. The existing research results are accumulated and the outline of the basic strategy of the Tang and Silla allied forces is revealed. However, I tried to restructure the united operations of the two countries in detail by filling in areas that are not mentioned or need reinforcement. First, the Tang who decided to attack Baekje decided to meet Silla in Deokmul Island because the Tang army arrived at Deokmul Island using the middle crossing route of the West Sea. Information on this route seems to have been provided by Silla. At that time, the Tang had not given a specific plan to Silla, so Silla army had to keep in mind that either the army with the Tang army in Gyeonggi-do, or the army of the two countries went apart. So the Silla army was up north to Namchenjeong. Although this was not the intention of the Silla army, the Silla army"s advance to the north led to the confusion of Baekje"s defense strategy. The strategy that Su Dingfang proposed during the talk at the Deokmul Island was simultaneous execution of both army and naval attack and to join the forces in the south of Sabi-castle. The intention of the strategy to use both army and naval troops was to distribute defense of Baekjae forces to minimize loss of soldiers and to end the battle soon. However, it was disadvantageous for Silla, which had to break through the Baekje border on land, compared to Tang which was to go from the sea. The reason that the two armies decided to join in the south of Sabi Fortress was to advance to the area where Baekjae’s defense was relatively weak but also, in the event of an emergency, for King Uija to escape to the south in order to prevent the war from lasting long. On the other hand, the opinion that the main role of Silla at that time was taking charge of distributing supplies for the Tang army is spreading widely. However, it is difficult to reckon that the army of Silla took the role considering its actual transportation ability and the issue of military strategy. In particular, the fact Yu Ingye of Tang was running separate ship for supply signifies that they did not made the troops of Silla to take responsibility of distributing supplies.

安史의 난 시기 발해-일본의 소위 <신라 협공>론의 검토

이재석 한일관계사학회 2024 한일관계사연구 Vol.83 No.-

속일본기 에 의하면 안사의 난이 진행되던 시기에 일본은 발해를 통해 안사의 난에 대한 정보를 제공받은 후 新羅에 대한 침공 계획을 세우고 절도사를 임명하는 등 나름의 군사 준비에 들어갔다고 한다. 현재 학계에서는 발해와는 관련 정보를 공유하였을 뿐만 아니라 양국이 동시에 신라를 협공하기로 합의하였다는 소위 신라 협공론이 유포되어 있으며 특히 일본 학계에서는 유력한 통설의 지위를 점하고 있다. 본고에서는 이러한 신라 협공론의 연구사적 계보와 그 사료적 근거를 재검토하여 결론적으로 신라 협공계획은 없었다는 점을 명확히 하고자 하였다. 구체적으로는 첫째 협공이란 판단에 이르게 한 것으로 제시된 발해-일본 양국의 전략적 판단(구상)의 존재, 둘째 협공 계획의 성립을 사료적으로 검출하여 확인할 수 있는가의 문제에 치중하였다. 먼저 이러한 구상에 이르게 한 배경의 하나로서 언급되는 <당의 혼란이 신라에 미치는 영향에 대한 전략적 판단> 부분에 주목하여 검토하였다. 즉 당이 국내적으로 반란-전쟁 등으로 혼란하게 되면 신라가 공격받아도 도와줄 수 없기에 신라는 고립무원의 불리한 처지에 빠지게 되며 따라서 안사의 난 시기인 지금이 침공의 최적기가 된다는 논리적 판단의 설정이 그것이다. 이 설정은 1920년대 和田軍一의 논문에서 제기된 것인데 본고의 검토 결과 당시 일본의 당에 대한 태도는 唐使 심유악 건에서 보듯이 매우 순종적이었다는 점만 확인 가능할 뿐임을 지적하였다. 사료적으로 확인되는 발해의 입장 또한 친당(조정)적이었으며 특히 小野田守를 통해 당이 발해에게 준 칙서 내용을 공유하고자 한 점은 발해가 자신의 친당적인 입장을 일본과도 공유하고자 한 것으로 파악하였다. 이는 발해가 당의 혼란을 틈타 신라를 침공하려 하지는 않았을 개연성이 매우 높다는 점을 시사한다. 안사의 난을 주시하고 있던 당시 신라, 발해, 일본 삼국이 가장 염려했던 것은 반란군의 잔당 등이 자국의 영토로 침입해 오는 상황이었음 또한 사료적으로도 확인 가능하였다. 아울러 신라 협공의 성립에 관해서는 현재 그것을 입증해주는 명확한 사료가 없는 상황인 점을 고려하여 우회적인 방법으로서 기존의 협공론에서 제기되었던 묵계의 성립 시점을 검토하였다. 하나는 小野田守가 일본의 專使로서 발해에 파견되었을 때 성립했다는 설과 또 하나는 귀국하는 小野田守와 함께 일본에 온 양승경과 등원중마려 사이에서 성립했다는 설인데 본고에서는 모두 성립하기 어려움을 논증하였다. In this paper, I reviewed the view that Balhae and Japan signed a military alliance promising to attack Silla at the same time in the mid-8th century. As a result, I argued that such a military alliance to Silla did not exist. The conventional view was that Japan made a strategic judgment that it was the best time to attack Silla at the time, and the reason was that the Tang Dynasty thought it could not provide military support for Silla due to an internal rebellion. However, it was pointed out that this argument was not valid. At that time, relations between the Tang Dynasty and Japan were very friendly, and relations between Balhae and the Tang Dynasty were also very friendly. Silla, Balhae, and Japan were concerned in the situation of the Ansa rebellion that was going on, and they were wondering if some of the Tang's rebel forces would invade their country. In addition, I could not find a convincing timing and motive of the signing of the military alliance against Silla.In this paper, I reviewed the view that Balhae and Japan signed a military alliance promising to attack Silla at the same time in the mid-8th century. As a result, I argued that such a military alliance to Silla did not exist. The conventional view was that Japan made a strategic judgment that it was the best time to attack Silla at the time, and the reason was that the Tang Dynasty thought it could not provide military support for Silla due to an internal rebellion. However, it was pointed out that this argument was not valid. At that time, relations between the Tang Dynasty and Japan were very friendly, and relations between Balhae and the Tang Dynasty were also very friendly. Silla, Balhae, and Japan were concerned in the situation of the Ansa rebellion that was going on, and they were wondering if some of the Tang's rebel forces would invade their country. In addition, I could not find a convincing timing and motive of the signing of the military alliance against Silla.

765년 稱德天皇과 新羅 ‘征討’・神功開寶 補論

이재석 고려사학회 2024 한국사학보 Vol.- No.94

The Japanese government received the news of the Tang through the Japanese envoy that was sent to Balhae in 758, and in June of the following year, Japan began preparations to invade Silla. The real power at the time, Fujiwara Nakamaro(藤原仲麻呂), led the way. However, as a result, the plan to invade Silla ended in failure, and in 764, Emperor Junin(淳仁)-Nakamaro's regime collapsed, and Emperor Shotoku(稱德) was crowned again. Emperor Shotoku minted a coin(神功開寶) in 765, and in my other paper, I pointed out its connection to the Shilla invasion, citing that the name "Jingu (神功)" reminds me of Empress Jingu(神功), the protagonist of the conquest of Silla, and that it was a measure that came right after the Shilla invasion plan's demise. However, the question arises as to why Emperor Shotoku had to complete the Silla invasion plan given the current perception that the Shilla invasion plan is exclusively owned by the Nakamaro's regime. This paper is intended to answer the question. Her declaration of control over state affairs(國家大事) and punishment in June 762 provided the connection between Emperor Shotoku and plan to invade Silla. This was caused by her feud with Emperor Junin. She could never have anything to do with pursuing the invasion of Silla, as long as she had declared her own decision on the state affairs, because it was usually directly related to national security when looking at the use of state affairs at the time.

6~8세기 新羅 都城의 都市計劃과 陵墓域의 변천 연구

황인호 한국고고학회 2016 한국고고학보 Vol.101 No.-

From the mid 6th century, the urban planning of Silla, based on the bangri system, was initiated in the Gyeongju basin. The creation of a plot of land of a suitable site was an absolute prerequisite to the development of a urban area, with an organized network of roads. The replacement of wooden chamber tombs, which had been constructed in the area north of Wolseong during the until the early 6th century, by stone chamber tombs which came to be constructed in the Mt. Seondo area, west of the capital, can be seen to have been related to the urbanization of the Silla capital. The background to the selection of the Seoak-dong burial ground was the need to defend, at a national level, the area west of the capital and to control the main roads to Dalgubeol. The royal tombs dating to the 7th century, constructed prior to the unification of the Three Kingdoms, were all established along the border of the capital city. The stone chamber tombs forming clusters spread to the hilly outskirts of the city by the late 6th to 7th century. In the early 8th century, following unification, the royal tombs came to be focused around Mt. Myeonghwal, in accordance with the second phase of urban planning. During the 8th century, the royal tombs spread to suburbs of the capital, following the final extension of the capital. The north side of Bukcheon was organized according in two different ways; space was organized according to a northern axis or nature of the terrain. It has been observed through recent excavations that regardless of differences in terms of axis, a common bangri structure and scale was used to organize the urban space.

유구검토를 통한 6~8세기 신라 불교사원 회랑 건축계획 연구

김숙경,이은비 한국건축역사학회 2019 건축역사연구 Vol.28 No.5

The subjects of this study were limited to Silla buddhist temple remains in the 6~8th century, where the excavation survey report was published and the details of the remains of the corridor are revealed. Since the corridor completes the structure of temple and is involved in formation of the space, the building plan for corridors is thought to have an intention linked to the entire temple. Thus, more closer study is required for this construction plan to identify the role of corridors. The corridor is a building that has a low architectural hierarchy and completes the layout and composition of the temple. In the unit planning of the corridor, unit were designed to be of a certain size in the temple layout. Then, the overall scale was made by adding the fixed size of unit. The combination of corridors are the combined points of paths and were used as visual points. The structure of the corridor was constructed to be adjusted according to the size of the main compartment of the building to which it was connected and inserted under the roof of the building. The adjustment of the unit changed in the range of 0.5 to 2 of Silla’s system of measurement. The usage of embedded pillar in the corridor presents a new perspective on Silla architecture. 이 연구는 6~8세기 신라 불교사원 중 발굴조사보고서가 간행되어 유적의 상세한 정보를 확인할 수 있는 사원의 회랑을 대상으로 하였다. 회랑은 도식적인 가람배치를 형식화하고 전체 가람을 완결시키는 기능을 하였다. 회랑의 열주랑은 중심사역 내부에서 주요한 입면요소이며 각 건물이 기능적으로 연계되도록 하고 회랑 상호간의 결합을 통해 다양한 건축계획이 시도되었다. 회랑은 사역내에서 건축적 위계가 낮고 기능적인 건물이나 가람배치와 공간구성을 완결짓는 건물이다. 회랑 기둥의 주경은 300㎜내외로 볼 수 있고 회랑의 높이는 연결되는 건물과 관련지어 설계되었다. 회랑의 주칸계획은 가람배치 내 치수관계에 있어서 일정한 주칸크기를 정하여 병렬하고 더해 전체 규모를 만들었다. 회랑의 결합부는 중요한 동선의 결절점이며 시각적 포인트로 활용되었다. 주칸 조정은 0.5~2척정도 범위에서 변화되었다. 황룡사 창건가람의 남회랑이 신라 최초의 사례이다. 익랑은 다른 회랑보다 작은 규모로 설계하였다. 회랑의 구조는 연결되는 건물의 주칸크기에 따라 조정되고 건물의 지붕 아래에 삽입되도록 건축하였다. 경사가 있는 회랑에서 굴립주 혼용은 신라건축에 대한 새로운 관점을 제시해주는 부분이며 추후 폭넓은 연구가 필요하다. 감은사의 서회랑이 유일한 사례이다. 복랑은 고선사지가 신라 최초의 사례이며 인접한 두 공간의 조성시기 격차에서 비롯되어 경계부에서 추가적으로 발생한 것이다. 회랑의 중건과 변화는 가람 전체의 동향과 함께 진행되기 때문에 유적 조사 시 보다 상세한 조사가 필요하다.

新羅王京 중심부의 도시화 과정 및 坊里 구조 고찰

황인호 한국상고사학회 2015 한국상고사학보 Vol.90 No.-

By the Joonggogi, Silla conducted urbanization in Silla capital based on the bangri system in order to strength the royal authority and establish the centralization. A division of inside the Silla capital into grid system forming regular unit sizes enabled actual administrative division of Silla capital. The initial stage of urbanization of Silla capital which began in the reign of the King Jinheung proceeded based on the area of Inwang-dong and Guhwang-dong, the northeastern part symmetrical to tomb district, the northwestern part on the basis of Weolseong. An urban district, 1bang 460×460cheogs as the basic unit, was created in the Wangheungsa, which was constructed on the buried swampy place, as the base facility. The plaza facility and road on the periphery of the Hwangryongsa Temple shows that the construction of Hwangryongsa is connected directly to the primary urbanization plan of Silla capital. Although an urban district along with the Joonggogi temple such as Heungyunsa, Yeongheungsa, and Yeongmyosa were constructed in the western area of Weolseong, it has a different aspect with typical bangri structure. A street in the form of natural village was developed under the influence of Yongcheonsu waterway of the region of Daereungwon and a range of ancient tombs. In addition, by the period of King Munmu, a street network which was existed independent of the existing main road or bangje was organized. After the unification of three kingdoms, the city was extended outwards of the core part of Silla capital to secure the new town in conjunction with extensive organization of the area of Weolseong. An estimated area of the North palace located in the northernmost of board the central figure of Weolseong in the area beneath Bukcheon was used as the second step urban plan. Its division unit was road site but the unit decreased from 60cheog to 40cheog and adjusted to 440×440 cheog. The previously organized city district maintained its original bangri structure and buildings inside the bang developed undergo addition and improvement. It is believed as the civic center adjacent Weolseong since a number of landscape facilities such as a square pond and winding drainway, large stone bathroom remains and large buildings are found from the archaeological sites in the Seondeok Girls’ middle and high school 1block from due north Manwolseong. 신라는 中古期들어 왕권을 강화하고 중앙집권체제를 확립하기 위해 수도 王京에 坊制를 기초로 한 계획도시화를 추진하였다. 왕경 내부를 일정한 단위규모를 이루는 격자형 도시공간으로 구획함으로써 왕경의 실질적인 행정구역 개편을 가능하게 하였다. 진흥왕대에 시작된 왕경의 초창기 도시화는 月城을 기준으로 북서쪽의능묘지구와 대칭을 이루는 북동쪽의 인왕동, 구황동 일대를 중심으로 진행되었다. 저습지를 메우고 건립된 皇 龍寺를 거점시설로 삼아 1坊460×460척을 기본단위로 한 시가지가 조성되었다. 최근 확인된 황룡사지 주변의 광장시설과 도로유구는 황룡사 건립이 왕경의 1차 도시계획과 직결되었음을 보여주고 있다. 월성 서편 지역은 興輪寺, 永興寺, 괈廟寺등 중고기 사찰과 더불어 시가지가 조성되었지만 전형적인 坊里 구조와는 다른 양상이다. 대능원 일대의 湧泉水유로와 고분군의 분포 범위 등 지형지물의 영향을 받아 자연촌락 형태의 시가를 형성했고, 초창기 도시화에서 제외되었다가 문무왕대 이후 기존 간선도로나 방제와 무관하게 존재했던 구시가의 가로망이 정비되었다. 삼국통일 이후에는 월성 일대의 대대적인 정비와 함께 부족해진 신도시 부지를 확보하기 위해 왕경 핵심부의 바깥쪽으로 시가지를 확장해 나갔는데, 북천 이남에 한하여 월성의 남북중축선상 최북단에 위치한 겗宮으로 비정되기도 한 성동동 전랑지가 2차 도시계획의 거점시설로 활용되었다. 구획단위는 도로부지만 60척에서40척으로 줄여 440×440척으로 조정되었다. 이때 기존에 정비된 도시구역은 계속해서 당초 방리 구조를 유지하였으며, 방 내부의 건물들은 증개축 과정을 거쳐 발전하였다. 특히 滿月城의 정북으로 1블록 떨어진 선덕여중고 내 유적들에서는 方池, 曲水걟 등의 조경시설과 대형 석조화장실유구, 대형 건물들이 다수 확인됨에 따라월성에 인접한 관청가로 추정된다.

新羅王京 중심부의 도시화 과정 및 坊里 구조 고찰

황인호(Hwang In Ho) 한국상고사학회 2015 한국상고사학보 Vol.90 No.-

신라는 中古期들어 왕권을 강화하고 중앙집권체제를 확립하기 위해 수도 王京에 坊制를 기초로 한 계획도시화를 추진하였다. 왕경 내부를 일정한 단위규모를 이루는 격자형 도시공간으로 구획함으로써 왕경의 실질적인 행정구역 개편을 가능하게 하였다. 진흥왕대에 시작된 왕경의 초창기 도시화는 月城을 기준으로 북서쪽의 능묘지구와 대칭을 이루는 북동쪽의 인왕동, 구황동 일대를 중심으로 진행되었다. 저습지를 메우고 건립된 皇龍寺를 거점시설로 삼아 1坊460×460척을 기본단위로 한 시가지가 조성되었다. 최근 확인된 황룡사지 주변의 광장시설과 도로유구는 황룡사 건립이 왕경의 1차 도시계획과 직결되었음을 보여주고 있다. 월성 서편 지역은 興輪寺, 永興寺, 靈廟寺 등 중고기 사찰과 더불어 시가지가 조성되었지만 전형적인 坊里 구조와는 다른 양상이다. 대능원 일대의 湧泉水유로와 고분군의 분포 범위 등 지형지물의 영향을 받아 자연촌락 형태의 시가를 형성했고, 초창기 도시화에서 제외되었다가 문무왕대 이후 기존 간선도로나 방제와 무관하게 존재했던 구시가의 가로망이 정비되었다. 삼국통일 이후에는 월성 일대의 대대적인 정비와 함께 부족해진 신도시 부지를 확보하기 위해 왕경 핵심부의 바깥쪽으로 시가지를 확장해 나갔는데, 북천 이남에 한하여 월성의 남북중축선상 최북단에 위치한 北宮으로 비정되기도 한 성동동 전랑지가 2차 도시계획의 거점시설로 활용되었다. 구획단위는 도로부지만 60척에서 40척으로 줄여 440×440척으로 조정되었다. 이때 기존에 정비된 도시구역은 계속해서 당초 방리 구조를 유지하였으며, 방 내부의 건물들은 증개축 과정을 거쳐 발전하였다. 특히 滿月城의 정북으로 1블록 떨어진 선덕여중고 내 유적들에서는 方池, 曲水路 등의 조경시설과 대형 석조화장실유구, 대형 건물들이 다수 확인됨에 따라 월성에 인접한 관청가로 추정된다. By the Joonggogi, Silla conducted urbanization in Silla capital based on the bangri system in order to strength the royal authority and establish the centralization. A division of inside the Silla capital into grid system forming regular unit sizes enabled actual administrative division of Silla capital. The initial stage of urbanization of Silla capital which began in the reign of the King Jinheung proceeded based on the area of Inwang-dong and Guhwang-dong, the northeastern part symmetrical to tomb district, the northwestern part on the basis of Weolseong. An urban district, 1bang 460×460cheogs as the basic unit, was created in the Wangheungsa, which was constructed on the buried swampy place, as the base facility. The plaza facility and road on the periphery of the Hwangryongsa Temple shows that the construction of Hwangryongsa is connected directly to the primary urbanization plan of Silla capital. Although an urban district along with the Joonggogi temple such as Heungyunsa, Yeongheungsa, and Yeongmyosa were constructed in the western area of Weolseong, it has a different aspect with typical bangri structure. A street in the form of natural village was developed under the influence of Yongcheonsu waterway of the region of Daereungwon and a range of ancient tombs. In addition, by the period of King Munmu, a street network which was existed independent of the existing main road or bangje was organized. After the unification of three kingdoms, the city was extended outwards of the core part of Silla capital to secure the new town in conjunction with extensive organization of the area of Weolseong. An estimated area of the North palace located in the northernmost of board the central figure of Weolseong in the area beneath Bukcheon was used as the second step urban plan. Its division unit was road site but the unit decreased from 60cheog to 40cheog and adjusted to 440×440 cheog. The previously organized city district maintained its original bangri structure and buildings inside the bang developed undergo addition and improvement. It is believed as the civic center adjacent Weolseong since a number of landscape facilities such as a square pond and winding drainway, large stone bathroom remains and large buildings are found from the archaeological sites in the Seondeok Girls’ middle and high school 1block from due north Manwolseong.

孝昭王代 후기 新羅의 對唐 사절 파견의 의미

윤태양 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2020 한국문화 Vol.0 No.92

In this paper, I tried to reveal the meaning of envoy dispatched by Silla which reached Tang dynasty in February of 699, in the context of the reconstruction of Silla-Tang relations. Referring to the Epitaph of Nandande(南單德墓誌銘), we can estimate that the displaced people from Andong Protectorate(安東都護府), including Nanwu, moved from Liaodung to Pyeongyang near 697. The information might be delivered to King Hyoso(孝昭王)’s regime, and they are thought to have attempted to renovate the domestic atmosphere, using diplomacy between Silla and Tang as a political tool. After the reorganization of the national system over a year, the envoy arrived at Tang dynasty as a result of the new domestic and foreign policies of Silla. However, Tang dynasty around 699-700 sent Godeokmu(高德武) as a chief controller of Andong commandery(安東都督) and tried to rebuild “Goryeo state(高麗國)” as an “external boundary countries which can be related to Tang China(入番)” led by “Go clan chief(高氏 君長)”. This action could mean public approval of the displaced people from Andong Protectorate who settled lately at Pyeongyang, nearby Silla, as constituents of a polity. Also, during the time when the return of the envoy was delayed, a discord in the domestic government was exposed as a form of treason by Gyeongyeong(慶永). The external policy of Tang dynasty was unfavorable news too at that time, so it is seen that the diplomatic policies of King Hyoso’s regime had to be aborted. This political situation shows that the reconstruction of Silla-Tang relations could not succeed only by the will of Silla itself. Also, that demonstrates why Silla could truly switch its diplomatic policy to a more active one afterward the succession of King Seongdeok(聖德王), despite the similarity of ruling political faction between the regime of later period of King Hyoso’s reign and one of the early period of King Seongdeok’s reign. It could have been established around 703 by the change of Tang dynasty’s eastern policy to recover its territory by onshore “Andongdao(安東道)”, not by “Go clan chief” Godeokmu and the displaced people of Andong Protectorate, as the former researches argued.

봉토 외형으로 본 신라 전·중기의 왕릉 추정

윤상덕 한국고고학회 2014 한국고고학보 Vol.93 No.-

A total of 36 tombs are currently recognized as Silla royal tombs. However,as the majority of these tombs were attributed as such in the 18th century, itis difficult to know the identity of the deceased buried in the tombs. As theseroyal tombs have not been subject to excavation, there has been a distinct lackof evidence, and it is unlikely that the large-scale tombs will be excavated inthe future. As a means to overcome this problem, the plan and the scale of thetombs, as based on their outer appearance, will be used in this paper in anattempt to identify the royals tombs of the Early and Middle Silla periods and toconfirm the identity of the deceased. The Silla royal tombs gradually became smaller in size, and it is posited thatthey changed in shape from oval to round in plan. The Early Silla royal tombsof the North Wolseong tumulus ground became smaller over time but, basedon the assumption that at least they would not be smaller than the royal tombsof the early Middle Silla period, the large-scale tombs of the Seoak-dong burialground (No. 3 and 4) are established as the baseline and the 13 tombs largerin size (Groups 1 and 2) were selected as the candidates for the tombs of theSilla kings and queens. The three great double burials (HwangnamdaechongTomb, Tomb No. 90, and Tomb No. 134), the extra-large Tomb No. 125(Bonghwangdae) and Tomb No. 130 (West Bonghwangdae), and Tomb No. 106(said to be the Tomb of King Michu) and Tomb No. 105 were interpreted as thetombs of the kings and queens. In the case of Tomb No. 125 and Tomb No. 130,if one of these was the tomb of a queen, then another additional candidate mustbe presented as a possible kingly tomb. One possible tomb is No. 119. Thisalso indicates that the tombs of the highest class, which yielded gold crowns, such as tombs No. 127 (Geumryeongchong Tomb), No. 128 (GeumgwanchongTomb) No. 129 (Seobongchong Tomb), and No. 155 are unlikely to be thetombs of kings or queens. The royal tombs of the Middle Silla period werefound to adhere to the posited assumptions in terms of floor plan, size, and thedevelopment of the surrounding protective stones. Based on this, it is assumedthat the tombs of King Beopheung, Jinheung, and Jinji are present in the Seoakdongtumulus ground. It is also explained that since the tomb said to be that ofKing Jinpyeong was indeed constructed right before the tomb of King Muyeol, itis confirmed to be the tomb of King Jinpyeong.