새로운 자료로 본 대한민국임시정부의 위상과 활동-새로 발굴된 해방 직후 전단을 중심으로-

정창현 한국민족운동사학회 2009 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.61

이 논문의 목적은 1945년부터 1946년까지 뿌려진 전단(leaflet) 또는 팸플릿을 통해 당시의 치열했던 정치적 갈등의 일면을 살펴보고, 중경임시정부의 귀국 및 활동, 분화과정을 분석하는데 있다. 특히 발굴된 전단이나 팸플렛을 소개하는데 중점을 두었다. 우리나라에서는 일제강점기에 들어와 각종 제품의 홍보전단이 뿌려졌고, 저축 장려 및 절약 등 조선총독부의 식민정책을 선전ㆍ합리화하는 각종 전단이 생산됐다. 만주지역에서는 독립운동가들을 체포하기 위한 ‘현상금전단’도 다수 뿌려졌다. 개항 이후 국내에서 발간되기 시작한 신문들은 속보성을 위해 ‘호외’를 발간하기도 했다. 해방이후에는 냉전과 좌우의 이념대립이 격화되면서 전단은 상품 광고 외에 선전선동과 심리전의 일환으로 더욱 각광을 받았다. 빛 바랜 각종 전단과 팸플릿, 신문 호외 등의 자료는 해방직후 치열했던 좌우정치세력의 노선과 논쟁을 생생하게 보여준다. 특히 이번에 처음 공개된 대한독립촉성국민회 영일군 기계면 지부의 문서들은 임시정부 요인들이 대거 참여했던 독촉국민회의 지방지부가 어떠한 인식과 노선을 가지고 활동했는가를 잘 보여주는 귀중한 자료이다. 지방의 동향을 파악할 수 있게 해주는 지방문서가 드문 상황에서 지방 정치조직의 활동을 파악할 수 있는 자료가 될 수 있을 것이다. 또한 조선공산당재건전라남도준비위원회 명의로 뿌려진 「노동자 농민제군! 청년 학생제군! 환히에 뛰는 소시민제군!」이란 제목의 전단, 장안파공산당 기관지로 『전선』, 좌우합작운동과 관련괸 여론조사 결과가 실린 한국여론협회 조사국 발행 『여협조』 제1호, 「친애하는 시민청년 여러분!」(1947.9.14)이란 제목의 전단 등은 이번에 처음으로 공개되는 자료다. 새로 발굴된 전단 등을 통해 볼 때 해방 후 귀국한 임시정부세력은 1945년 11월 귀국 후 민족통일전선 구성(정당통일운동)시기, 신탁논쟁시기, 독촉국민회 장악시기 등 세 차례 정국의 주도권을 장악할 수 있는 기회가 있었다. 그러나 임시정부는 귀국할 시점에서 이미 좌우갈등이 첨예화되고 있었고, 찬반탁국면에서 미군정과의 관계를 고려하지 않고 과도하게 반탁운동에 몰입했으며, 미소공동위원회와 좌우합작운동에 적절하게 대처하지 못함으로써 결과적으로 우익정치세력의 주도권을 이승만에게 넘겼다. 임정은 일제말기에 한국독립당과 민족혁명당 등 좌우정치세력의 합작을 성사시킨 강점을 효과적으로 이용해 환국 직후와 1946년 좌우합작운동시기에 좌우정치세력의 통합에 중심역할을 하지 못하고, 오히려 1946년 2월 민주의원 결성과정에서 내부분열로 우익정치세력의 한 ‘정파’로 위상이 약화되어 활동범위가 축소되었다. 1945~1946년 변화하는 국제정세와 국내 정치세력간의 역학관계를 제대로 파악하지 못하고, 건국강령에서 내세운 ‘삼균주의’ 정신을 효과적으로 관철하지 못한 점이 임시정부세력의 한계였다. The purpose of this article is to survey the intense political conflicts of Korean political parties and to analyze activities and differentiation of Chungking Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea based on leaflets and pamphlets during 1945~1946. Particularly this article focuses on the introduction of newly discovered leaflets and pamphlets. In Korea, numerous leaflets and pamphlets for advertizing commodities and propagandising colonial policies of Chosun’ Government-general started to be distributed with the beginning of the Japanese Colonial Period. In Manju, reward leaflets to capture independence activists were also frequently released. Newspapers, issued in Korea after the opening of a port, published extras to make a quick report. After the 1945 Liberation, leaflets got more attention as a mean of not only advertisement but also propaganda and psychological warfare due to the sharply opposed ideologies by cold-war. Antique documents like leaflets, pamphlets and newspaper extras vividly illustrate the postures of the Left and Right wings and intense conflicts of the two political parties. Expecially the documents of the Kikye-myun Yongil-gun branch of National Society for the Acceleration of Korean Independence, which first introduced at this article, are very rare materials in giving a whole picture of the local branch’s perspective and lines in its activities with the participation of many leading figures of Provisional Government in the branch. In a situation that local branch documents which show the trend of local trend are rare, these documents are valuable in identifying the activities of local political party. In addition, this article first introduces the Korean Communist Party Reconstruction Committee's leaflet named <Gentlemen farmers, workers! Youth and Students lads! Spirited bourgeois boys!>, 『Chonson』, the bulletin of Changan Communist Party <Yeohyeopjo> No. 1 issued by Korea Society Opinion Survey that includes public opinion census on the coalition of Left-Right movement and leaflet named <Dear Citizen and youth!>(1947.9.14). Judging from the newly discovered materials, Provisional Government had chances to secure political leadership in three phases : When it was involved in National Unification Front(political party unification movement), debates on trusteeship and finally when it had control over National Society for the Acceleration of Korean Independence. However, the Provisional Government passed the leadership of Right wing to Seungman, Lee due to three reasons. First, the confrontation of the Left and Right wing was in a sharpening conflicts when Provisional Government returned to Korea. Second, Provisional Government excessively indulged in anti-trusteeship movement without considering relationship with U.S.Army Military Government. Third, it failed to deal with American-Soviet Joint Commission and Left-Right Coalition Committee. Provisional Government became weaken itself to a ‘faction’ of Right wing parties and due to the internal division in the process of forming Democratic Committee in February 1946 and reduced its political leadership and scope. It failed to use its strength in coalition of the Left-Right parties like the joint of Korean Independence Party and National Revolution Party. Thus it failed to work as a center role in integrating Left-Right parties shortly after its return and in the period of uniting movement of Left-Right wing in 1946. It is the limit of Provisional Government that it failed to grasp the changes in international relations and the dynamics of national political parties in 1945~1946 and accomplish the spirits of ‘Samgyunism’ in its national foundation manifesto.

해방 직후 남한 좌우합작 평가

이완범(Lee Wan Bom) 한국국제정치학회 2007 國際政治論叢 Vol.47 No.4

1946년 대구공동위원회의 설치와 활동

허종 ( Heo Jong ) 대구사학회 2017 대구사학 Vol.126 No.-

대구공동위원회는 1946년 전국에서 유일하게 미군정의 제안으로 대구지역의 좌우 정치세력이 협력하여 식량문제를 비롯한 지역 현안을 논의, 해결하려는 목적으로 설치되었다. 아울러 미국이 미소공동위원회가 휴회된 후 장래 소련과의 회담에서 자국의 입장을 강화하려는 견지에서 대중적 지지 기반을 구축하기 위한 정책의 일환이었다. 동시에 여의치 않을 경우 대중들에게 좌파세력의 기만성을 노출시켜 대중과 분리시키고 탄압.약화시키려는 의도도 가지고 있었다. 대구지역에 유일하게 설치될 수 있었던 배경으로는 해방 후 여러 차례의 좌우연합과 미군정에 대한 좌우세력의 협력노선이 작용하였다. 좌파세력은 모스크바삼상회의에서 결정한 민주주의임시정부 수립을 위한 원칙의 하나로서 좌우연합을 추진하였고, 대구공동위원회를 그 일환으로 인식함과 동시에 취약한 대중적 기반을 확대하는 방안으로 인식하였다. 대구공동위원회는 지역의 대표적인 좌우세력의 네 개 정당의 대표로 구성되었고, 군정의 하곡 수집 협력과 농민들의 하곡 수집 독려, 일제 잔재 청산 등을 중심으로 활동하였다. 그러나 미군정의 좌파세력 탄압과 좌파세력의 응전이라는 전국적 정국 흐름에서 자유로울 수 없었고, 결국 10월 항쟁으로 좌우세력의 신뢰가 무너지고 미군정이 좌파세력을 탄압하면서 대구공동위원회는 와해되었다. In 1946, the Daegu Joint Committee was established solely for the purpose of discussing and resolving regional issues, including food issues, by cooperating with the left and right political forces in Daegu region with the proposal of US Military Government in Korea. It was also an application on the regional level as one of the measures to realize the policy of strengthening the position of the United States in the future talks with the Soviet Union by acquiring the popular support of Korean people for the US policy after the recession of the U.S.-Soviet Joint Commission. At the same time, it was part of the policy of separating the left-wing forces from the masses by exposing their deceitfulness, and exposing and weakening them in case of things going wrong. The background of its establishment solely in Daegu area was the coalition several times of the left and right forces and the cooperation of them with the US Military Government in Korea after the liberation. Leftist forces have pursued a left-right coalition as one of the principles for establishing the provisional government of democracy decided at the Moscow Conference of Foreign Ministers and recognized the Daegu Joint Committee as its part, and at the same time, as a way to expand the weak public base. The Daegu Joint Committee consisted of representatives of four political parties from representative regional left-right forces, and was centered on cooperating with the military in collecting summer crops, encouraging farmers to collect summer crops, rice paddies, and clearing the remnants of Japanese rule. However, it was not free from the nationwide flow of the oppression on leftist forces by the US Military Government and the reaction of the leftist forces, finally, the Daegu Joint Committee was collapsed when the trust of the left-right forces fell down due to the October Struggle and the US Military Government suppressed the leftist forces. (Chungnam National University / hjong@cnu.ac.kr)

1947년 안재홍의 ‘순정 우익 집결’ 운동

김인식(Kim In-Sik) 한국사연구회 2004 한국사연구 Vol.124 No.-

This thesis intends to examine the reason and process Why the political line was named 'Pure Rightists'(Sunjong Uik) producing the political power. In 1947, up to this process, United States and Soviet Joint Commission was reopened to become a rupture again. Anti-trusteeship movement power(Rhee Syng-Man, Korean Democratic Party, Joongkyung Provisional Government) opposed their line to a Right-Left Coalition power. In January of 1947, though United States and Soviet Joint commission was reopened, the conservative right power set upright violence against Anti-trusteeship movement power in order to not reopen United States and Soviet Joint commission, and attacked the moderate as an enemy. At this time, An Jae-Hong was struck off a name out of Korean Independence Party because the Second United States and Soviet Joint Commission had faced life and death of nation, and he persisted in participating it to be successful. At the moment the Second United States and Soviet Joint Commission was reopened. An Jae- Hong tried to concentrate on the moderate. The Right and Left Wing Coalition Movement finished their purpose without any detailed result, so the Second United States and Soviet Joint Commission showed broken indication and exploded to the end, When the assistance of United States and Soviet got sink in a despair in September of 1947, An Jae-Hong realized that it was inevitable for Southern Goverment to establish the separate South Korean Government to actualize the real situation with separate South Government. He believed that the only way to establish a unified independent nation-state is to strengthen some democratic power and to settle down the real democracy. Since the Second United States and Soviet Joint Commission carne to a rupture, Korea problems went over to UN, and UN made a decision that the South Korea only needed to have election around October 1947. An Jae- Hong exhibited an ideology of the moderate right as a concept of 'Pure Rights'(Sunjong Uik), and took part in Democratic Independence Party and Nation Independence Federation. The term of 'Pure Rights' had more big separative consciousness in the conservertive right power than the left power. Above all, taking precaution against the Separate Southern Government Block in the system of Ree Syng Man and Korean Democratic Party, 'Pure Rights' designed to draw a line to Joogkyung Provisional Government which would not manage a change of the international political situation. This thesis studies An Jae Hong who tried to build up an ideology of the moderate as 'Pure Rights', collecting and enacting it, and examines the process to cope with the establishment of a seperate South Korean goverment. With this basis, this thesis corne to conclusion that An Jae Hong, on one hand, realized the crisis of national division. prepared separate elections whitin Democratic Independence Party and Nation Independence Federation and took 'Pure Rights' of the moderate as an actual political line, and, on the contrary. Hong Myng Hui tried to set up unified goverment by means of agreement from North-South Leader's Conference(so-called North-South negotiation) denying the separate Government.

해방 후 최익한의 사회주의 운동과 `변백장(辨白狀)`*

송찬섭 ( Song Chan-sup ) 호남사학회(구 전남사학회) 2017 역사학연구 Vol.66 No.-

해방 초기 조선공산당을 비롯한 좌파 세력에 대해서는 그간 상당한 성과가 쌓여, 전반의 흐름을 정리한 것뿐만 아니라 개별 정당이나 정파에 대한 연구도 많이 진척되었다. 그러나 주로 비중이 큰 인물에 대한 개별 연구가 진행되었다. 그밖에 수많은 다양한 인물에 대해서도 관심을 넓히면서 연구를 구체화시킬 필요가 있다. 최익한도 그러한 연구 대상에 충분히 포함되는 인물이다. 최익한은 1920년대부터 ML파, 이른바 3차 조선공산당의 중심인물이었으나 구속과 오랜 수감기간 뒤 집필활동으로 생활하였다. 해방과 더불어 최익한은 곧바로 활동을 재개하였다. 처음에는 고려공산당 조직위원회를 조직했으나 통합의 필요성에 따라 장안파 공산당에 합류하였다. 그러나 경성지구위원회를 조직하여 당내 세력을 형성하였다. 박헌영을 중심으로 한 재건파공산당이 결성되면서 양자 간에 주도권 다툼을 벌였을 때, 최익한은 이영, 정백과 더불어 장안파의 삼두마차였다고 할 수 있다. 이영과 정백이 상대적으로 온건파였고, 소극적이었던 입장인 데 비해 최익한은 가장 적극적으로 맞섰다. 뛰어난 이론가이면서 그 자신도 당내에서 일정하게 세력도 있었기 때문이다. 장안파는 재건파에 밀려 결국 해체하고 말았다. 재건파가 일제 말기에 활동을 계속했다는 점 때문에 조직이나 재력이 크게 우월하여 맞서기 어려웠다. 재건파는 공산당을 장악하고 나서 분파 중심으로 활동했기에 장안파 출신, 특히 가장 강렬하게 맞섰던 최익한은 간부에 들지 못하였다. 재건된 조공 내에서 중앙에 맞서 대회파가 반기를 들었을 때도 최익한은 여기에 합류 하였다. 조공, 인민당, 신민당의 3당합당 과정에서 조공 중앙파에 맞서 사로당이 만들어졌을 때, 최익한은 이에 참여했고, 그 뒤 다시 이들을 중심으로 근민당이 결성되었을 때도 참여하였다. 이로써 본다면 최익한은 장안파, 대회파, 사로당, 근민당 등 사회주의 세력 내에서 비주류에 속했던 셈이다. 최익한은 국가건설과 통일전선운동의 일환으로 건국준비위원회, 인민공화국, 반팟쇼투쟁위원회, 민주주의민족전선 등의 단체를 통해 활동하였다. 특히 민주주의민족전선에서는 강령을 작성하는 등 다양한 활동을 하였다. 이러한 활동과 관련하여 일제 말기 자신의 삶에 대해 변명하는 `변백장`을 작성하여 자신의 행위를 구체적으로 밝히기도 하였다. 통일전선에 친일세력이 참여하는 것을 비판하는 상황에서 일제 말기 그가 마치 전향했던 것처럼 비판하는 세력에 대해 자신에 대한 변호가 필요했기 때문이다. 최익한은 미소공위와 좌우합작을 위해 노력했으나 당시의 상황은 단독선거 실시와 단독정부 수립으로 귀결되었다. 1948년 남북연석회의가 개최되었을 때, 최익한은 근민당의 일원으로 참여하고 그 뒤 계속 북에 머물렀다. Lots of historical studies on the leftist force like Korean Communist Party in the early period after the Korean liberation have been accumulated so far. Research about individual political party or factions has been promoted a lot besides whole stream around them. However, a single research on individual was mainly carried out around well-known historical figures. Besides, we need to study numbers of different figures more concretely through increasing our attention to them. Choi lk-han should be studied as such a figure. Choi lk-han used to be the central figure in the ML faction, so-called the third Korean Communist Party since the 1920s, but he wrote for a living after arrest and long imprisonment. He restarted his activities immediately as soon as Korea was liberated. For the first time, he organized the organizing committee of Goryeo Communist Party, but joined Jangan Faction Communist Party in need of integration. However, he formed inner-party force by organizing Gyeongseong District Committee. Choi Ik-han belonged to the troika with Yi Yeong and Jeong Baek when the Jangan faction and Reconstruction faction struggled each other over hegemony, with the organizing Reconstruction Faction Communist Party. While Yi Yeong and Jeong Baek had relatively moderate and passive attitude, Choi Ik-han was most aggressively against the Reconstruction faction because he was a prominent theorist and had his inner-party force to a certain degree. The Jangan faction disbanded after being pushed by the Reconstruction faction. The Jangan faction could not cope with the Reconstruction faction as this group continued activities by the ending period of colonial rule and was superior to Jangan faction in the organization or financial ability. As the Reconstruction faction mainly worked with its faction after dominating the Korean Communist Party, Jangan faction`s members, especially Choi Ik-han, who strongly conflicted with the Reconstruction faction, could not work as a leading staff in the party. Choi Ik-han also joined Rally group when it was against ruling group in the reconstructed Korean Communist Party. He joined Social Labor Party when it was organized to cope with the center group of the Korean Communist Party in the process of merging 3 parties, which were Korean Communist Party, People`s Party, and New People`s Party. After then, he joined Laboring People`s Party with the centering of the force from the Social Labor Party. It mean that Choi Ik-han has not ever been in the main stream of socialists` forces by joining the Jangan faction, the Rally group, the Social Labor Party, and the Laboring People`s Party. Choi Ik-han worked through the organization like Preparatory Committee for National Construction, People`s Republic, Antifascism Fighting Committee, and Democratic People`s Front as the part of building the nation and united front movement. Most of all, he engaged in various activities of the Democratic People`s Front including drafting its platform. Regarding his activities, he illuminated his behaviors by writing the `Letter of Excuse` to defend his life around the end of the colonial rule. In the atmosphere where pro-japanese was blamed for joining the united front, he should defend himself against his opponents who criticised him as if he had submitted to Japanese imperialists. Choi Ik-han made efforts for US-USSR Joint Commission and Coalition between the Left and the Right, but failed. At last, the sole election was carried out and the sole government was established. When the Joint Meeting of the South and the North was opened in 1948, Choi Ik-han joined the meeting as the member of the Laboring People`s Party and kept staying in North Korea after then.

해방 후 중도우파 기독교세력의 국가건설운동

김권정 숭실사학회 2018 숭실사학 Vol.0 No.40

After liberation, Christians participated in the national building movement as an important political force. Since the end of the 19th century, Christians have developed a national movement as a nationalist force. After liberation, Christians became an important force in the right wing. In the process, center-right Christian groups was formed, criticizing the extreme left-wing/right-wing and seeking national reunification. The Christians joined the National Foundation Preparation Committee shortly after liberation and developed into a political force by organizing and participating in political parties such as the Social Democratic Party, the National Party and the Shinhan People's Party. The Social Democrats integrated with the National Party to push for a moderate political stance. Christians actively participated in the formation of a Christian group by leading the party integration movement and the return of provisional government in Chungching. The center-right Christians were positive about the U.S.-Soviet Joint Commission. When the U.S.-Soviet Joint Commission was postponed due to differences in views between the U.S. and the Soviet Union, Christians participated in the coalition movement. Christian New People Association and Christian Heungkuk Foundation were important supporters of centre-right Christian groups. The National Association of Young Christians of Korea, where Kim Kyu-sik is chairman, has become an important foundation for the coalition movement. Christians took part in the activities of transitional legislative assembly. When the second U.S.-Soviet Joint Commission resumed, Christians took part in activities to promote the provisional government and cooperate with the U.S.-Soviet Joint Commission. The center-right Christians within the party had conflicts with the provisional government family within the party over their participation in the U.S.-Soviet Joint Commission. In the end, Christians created a new political party. The center-right Christians staged a campaign to unify the parties after the collapse of the U.S.-Soviet Joint Commission. The center-right Christians acknowledged the inevitability of reality, in which the Soviet boycott of North Korea would force elections only in the South. At the same time, with the establishment of the Republic of Korea becoming more specific, the establishment of the Republic of Korea government that went through the democratic process of the May 10 general elections was recognized as legitimate. Based on this, they set a new goal to establish a national unity. 해방 후 기독교인들이 중요 정치세력으로 국가건설운동에 참여하였다. 19세기말 이래 기독교인들은 민족주의세력으로 민족운동을 전개하였다. 해방 후 기독교인들은 우익 진영의 중요한 세력으로 자리 잡았다. 이 과정에서 극단적인 좌우익을 비판하며 민족통일을 지향하는 중도우파 기독교 형성되었다. 기독교인들은 해방직후 건국준비위원회에 참여했고, 사회민주당, 국민당, 신한민족당 등 정당을 조직하고 참여하면서 정치세력으로 발전하였다. 사회민주당은 국민당과 통합하여 중도적 정치노선을 추진하였다. 기독교인들은 정당통합운동을 주도하고 중경 임시정부 요인들의 귀국을 계기로 기독교 단체 결성에 적극 참여하였다. 중도우파 기독교인들은 제1차 미소공위 개최를 긍정적으로 인식하였다. 미국과 소련의 견해 차이로 제1차 미소공위가 연기되자, 기독교인들은 좌우합작운동에 참여하였다. 기독신민회, 기독교흥국제단 등은 중도우파 기독교세력의 주요한 지원세력이었다. 김규식이 회장인 조선기독교청년회전국연합회는 좌우합작을 공식적으로 지지하는 등 좌우합작운동의 중요한 기반이 되었다. 기독교인들은 과도입법의원 활동에 참여하였다. 2차 미소공위가 재개 되자, 기독교인들은 임시정부 촉진과 미소공위에 협조하기 위한 활동에 참여하였다. 한독당 내 중도우파 기독교인들은 미소공위 참가를 둘러싸고 한독당 내 임정계열과 갈등하였다. 결국 기독교인들은 새로운 정당을 창당하였다. 중도우파 기독교인들은 미소공동위의 결렬 이후 민족 정당의 역량을 결집하기 위해 민족정당통합운동을 전개하였다. 중도우파 기독교인들은 소련의 거부로 남한지역에서만 선거가 이루어질 수밖에 없는 현실의 불가피성을 인정하였다. 동시에 대한민국 수립이 구체화되어 가는 상황에서 5·10 총선거의 민주적 절차를 거친 대한민국 정부수립을 적법한 정부로 인정하였다. 이를 기초로 이들은 민족통일의 국가수립을 지향한다는 목표를 재설정하게 되었다.

제2의 반탁운동과 1947년 초 국내 정치세력 동향

박명수 숭실사학회 2017 숭실사학 Vol.0 No.39

This paper examines the political landscape in Korea at the time when it was centered on the second anti-trusteeship campaign, which took place in January 1947. In early 1947, a letter was made to public which planned to resume the second US-USSR Joint Commission, activating again the anti-trusteeship campaign. The All-Korean Student League, which was the primary agent in the 1946 Movement for Entrepreneurship, had again and again planned a large-scale struggle to commence on January 18, but its radical plans were halted by the intense actions of Rhee. However, on January 22, the Interim Legislative Assembly passed a resolution for the Anti-trusteeship by 44 to 1. This action had cleary declared the Korean position against trusteeship, while it proves to be a boost to the right wing and a frustration to the left. The overall results of this research show: ① The US Trusteeship plan was not supported by Koreans at the time, ② the opposition movement was focused on Rhee and Kim, ③ although Rhee was in the US at the time, his actual diplomatic leadership was stronger, ④ Kim Gu was also active in the opposition movement, but his leadership skills could not compete with Rhee Syngman, ⑤ Kim Gyu-sik and Yeo Un-hyung supported the Coalition Committee but it could not develop into a force, ⑥ At the time, the left wing supported the US-USSR Joint Commission, it represented the official position of the Soviets but it remained distant from the mainstream of Korean society at that time. In early 1947, the political landscape of South Korea can be summarized as a confrontation between the US military forces centered on Hodge and the nationalist forces centered on Rhee Syngman. In this argument, the US military attempted to solve the problem of the Korean peninsula with the Soviet Union, but the right-wing forces centered on Rhee built a strategy to oppose the trusteeship and establish a sovereign government in South Korea. At that time, most of the people in South Korea were in support of this position. The development of this political situation led to the birth of the Republic of Korea in 1948. 본 논문은 1947년 1월에 일어난 제 2의 반탁운동을 중심으로 당시의 한국 정치 지형을 살펴보았다. 1947년 초 하지는 미소공위 재개를 위한 서신을 공개했고, 이것은 잠복해 있던 반탁운동을 다시 재연시켰다. 1946년 반탁운동의 전위대였던 전국학생총연맹(All-Korean Student League)은 1월 18일 다시금 대규모의 투쟁을 계획했으나 이승만의 제지로 과격한 행동은 중지되었다. 하지만 1월 22일 당시 미군정에 의해서 만들어진 입법의원에서 44: 1로 반탁을 결의하였다. 이것으로 미군정이 추구하는 미소공위는 한국인들에 의해서 공식적으로 부정된 것이다. 이같은 반탁운동은 우익에게 큰 힘을 제공하는 것인 동시에 좌익에게는 좌절을 가져다주는 것이다. 이 연구를 통해서 밝혀진 바는 다음과 같다. ① 미국의 신탁통치 계획은 당시 한국인들의 지지를 얻지 못하고 있으며, ② 반탁운동은 이승만과 김구를 중심으로 이루어지고 있었고, ③ 비록 당시 이승만은 미국에 있었지만 그의 외교력을 통한 지도력은 가장 강력했고, ④ 김구 역시 반탁운동의 중심에 있었지만 지도력 경쟁에서 이승만과 비교할 수 없었고, ⑤ 김규식과 여운형은 미군정의 도움으로 좌우합작과 미소공위 재개를 지지했지만 독자적인 세력으로 발전하지 못했고, ⑥ 당시 좌익은 미소공위를 지지하고, 더 나가서 소련의 입장을 대변했으나 당시 한국사회의 주류와 거리가 멀었다. 1947년 초 남한의 정치지형은 하지를 중심으로 하는 미군정 세력과 이승만을 중심으로 하는 민족주의 세력의 대립 구도로 정리할 수 있다. 이런 논쟁에서 미군정은 소련과 함께 한반도의 문제를 풀어보고자 하였지만 이승만 중심의 우익세력은 신탁통치를 반대하고, 남한에 단독정부를 세우는 전략을 세웠다. 당시 남한의 대부분의 사람들은 이런 이승만의 입장을 지지했다. 이런 정치지형의 전개는 1948년 대한민국의 탄생으로 이어지는 것이다.

京鄕新聞 「餘滴」 연구 - 정지용과 염상섭의 「餘滴」을 중심으로 -

신미삼 한민족어문학회 2022 韓民族語文學 Vol.- No.97

The purpose of this paper was to collect, organize, and introduce the works of Jung Ji-yong or Yeom Sang-seop in the ‘Yeojeok (餘滴)’ column of the Kyunghyang Shinmun (founded October 6, 1946) during the liberation period. Also, through the tone of ‘Yeojeok (餘滴)’, their perceptions of the reality of then-Joseon and their political inclinations were analyzed. As a result, it was shown that the total number of 「Yeojeok (餘滴)」 published during their service period was 198. The main author of 「Yeojeok (餘滴)」 must have been Jung Ji-yong, the editor-in-chief, but Yeom Sang-seop, the managing editor, also contributed to it. Thus far, 23 pieces of 「Yeojeok (餘滴)」 have been identified as Jung Ji-yong by the present writer, and four pieces as Yeom Sang-seop. It is unclear who the writers are for the remaining 171 pieces of 「Yeojeok (餘滴)」. Thus, until now, researchers of Jung Ji-yong know that there are more than 23 pieces written by Jung Ji-yong, and that only 22-23 pieces of 「Yeojeok (餘滴)」 were included in ‘The Complete Collection of Jung Ji-yong’. However, it is necessary to study 198 pieces of 「Yeojeok (餘滴)」 in that they were ‘joint’ works by Jung Ji-yong and Yeom Sang-seop. They were outstanding writers, in that the they can be likened to a two-horse carriage, and molded the ‘tone’ of the Kyunghyang Shinmun. Their tone evolved without outside interference, and, thus, that it was possible to identify their realistic perceptions about political situations during the liberation period as well as their political inclinations. Thus, this writer analyzed 198 pieces of 「Yeojeok (餘滴)」 published during the service period of Jung Ji-yong and Yeom Sang-seop, including 171 pieces of 「Yeojeok (餘滴)」, which had been neglected because the writers were unknown. For 「Yeojeok (餘滴)」, whose writers are unknown, such writers were called ‘Yeojeokja (餘滴者)’. It was the designation they used to refer to themselves in 'Yeojeok (餘滴)’. As a result, it was found that in terms of politics, they had strong expectations for the left-right wing coalition movement as well as the 2nd Joint Soviet-American Commission by aspiring towards unification and independence. In terms of society and the economy, they criticized the profiteers and urged the U.S. military government to resolve it. In terms of education, they suggested a solution to the nation’s major dispute and emphasized that first of all, Joseon students should learn. In addition to these, many problems in the then-society are clearly revealed in 「Yeojeok (餘滴)」, such as managing of Japan’s properties, compensation from Japan, housing and unemployment related to war victims, treatment of Koreans living in Japan and securement of their properties, then-police issues, etc. Also, they actively intervened in these problems, and revealed their positions. They were able to intervene because they managed an edition-in-chief as well as a managing editor, respectively, at the newspaper company. Also, because in the face of the liberated motherland, they reflected on their past lives and were determined to actively live in the future. 「Yeojeok (餘滴)」 was a public channel through which they could exert their determination. Their political inclinations in the liberation political situation, as shown through 「Yeojeok(餘滴)」, neither more nor less than the political sense that any conscientious ‘intellectual’ of Joseon could have ‘of course’. Based on patriotism and nationalism, criticizing pro-Japanese factions during the Japanese colonial period, as well as establishing a unified complete country between the two Koreas, joining the League of Writers, supporting the left-right wing coalition movement and Yeo Woon-hyung/Kim Kyu-sik, supporting the 2nd Soviet-American Joint Commission, opposing the establishment of a single government by South Korea, and supporting the North-South... 본고의 목적은 해방기 창간된 京鄕新聞 ‘餘滴’ 난에 정지용과 염상섭이 집필한 글들을 모아 정리하고 소개하는 데 있다. 나아가 ‘餘滴’의 논조를 통해 당시 조선의 현실에 대한 그들의 인식과 정치 성향 등을 분석해 볼 것이다. 그 결과 그들의 근무 기간에 발표된 「餘滴」의 총 편수는 198편임을 알 수 있었다. 「餘滴」의 주 저자는 주간이었던 정지용이었지만 편집국장이었던 염상섭 또한 집필하였다. 현재까지 필자가 정지용으로 확인된 것은 23편, 염상섭으로 확인된 것은 4편이다. 나머지 171편의 「餘滴」은 필자가 누구인지 확실하지 않다. 그러므로 지금까지 정지용 전집 의 편찬자들은 정지용이 집필한 「餘滴」이 23편 이상이라는 것을 알면서도 오직 22-23편의 「餘滴」만을 전집에 수록하였다. 그러나 198편의 「餘滴」은 정지용과 염상섭의 ‘공동’ 작품이라는 점에서 오히려 반드시 연구해 볼 필요가 있다. 그 결과 그들은 통일과 독립을 열망하여 좌우합작운동과 2차 미소공동위원회에 강한 기대감을 가지고 있었고, 모리배 문제에 대한 해결을 미군정에 촉구하였으며, 국대분쟁 해결을 위해 노력하였음을 알 수 있었다. 이 외에도 「餘滴」에는 당대 사회의 문제점들이 여실히 드러나 있다. 그들은 이러한 문제에 적극적으로 개입하여 자신의 입장을 드러내었다. 그들이 이와 같이 행동할 수 있었던 이유는 해방된 조국을 맞이하여 지나간 삶을 반성하고 앞으로는 적극적으로 살아보겠다는 다짐이 있었기 때문이었다. 「餘滴」은 그들의 해방기 생애를 설명할 수 있는 하나의 단초이다.

재미한족연합위원회 대표단의 귀국과 정치활동

이현주(Lee Hyun-joo) 독립기념관 한국독립운동연구소 2003 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.20 No.-

해방 후 이여성의 민족국가 건설운동

최재성(Choe, Jae-Seong) 역사학연구소 2012 역사연구 Vol.- No.22

Guidance League was organized as school alliance which had expense structure and system. So it could control outside school life of students effectively. Japanese imperialism prevented resistance of Choseon students forehand and firmly solidified ruling system by forcing them into human appropriate for imperial subjects. After the Liberation from Imperialist Japan, Yi Yeoseong tried to construct a nation-state. He engaged in the Committee of the Preparation of Korean Independence, Korean People"s Republic and Korean People"s Party each as a promoter. He acted in favor of the middle-of-the roadism based on the right-and-left coalition. The foreign ministers of America, the Soviet Union and the U. K. at Moscow in December, 1945 decided to put the country under the trusteeship after establishing the provisional Korean government. Yi Yeoseong opposed the trusteeship, but he stated to cooperate with the U.S.-Soviet Joint Committee for the foundation of the provisional Korean government. His opposition to the trusteeship was based on the national self-respect. When the Joint Committee was in recess, he urged to do best effort to resume the Committee with the thought that the Committee was only gateway to establish the nation-state. As all efforts for the nation-state were dispersed in south Korea, he went to Pyeongyang for the formation of a unied nation through the south-north negotiations as his last tryout.