제 1 부 : 1930 년대 중화소비에트공화국의 농업정책 - 중앙소비에트구를 중심으로 -

김지훈 수선사학회 2000 수선사학회 추계 학술발표논문집 Vol.- No.-

제 2 부 : 「 6 ~ 7 세기 전남동부지역의 고고학적 성격 」 에 대한 토론 요지

정훈진 수선사학회 2000 수선사학회 추계 학술발표논문집 Vol.- No.-

6세기 동아시아에서의 책봉호의 정치적 의미 ― 국제정세의 변동과 백제의 책봉호에 반영된 인식을 중심으로 ―

정동준 ( Jeong Dong-jun ) 수선사학회 2018 史林 Vol.0 No.66

This article compared and analyzed the general title or Sanguan(散官, prestige title) appointed for Baekje or other surrounding countries by Chinese southern dynasties, Northern Qi(北齊) and Sui(隋). Furthermoret, a appointer’s perception reflected in Ningdongdajiangjun(寧東大將軍, general title) and Dongqingzhoucishi(東靑州刺史, province governor) which are representative appointment titles, and the status of Baekje in the international order of East Asia were examined. A summary is as follows. In Chinese southern dynasties of 6th century, the number of appointment of surrounding countries decreased and hierarchizing between political organizations by the graded appointment of the general title diminished. As a result, the political use of the appointment title also decreased than the former period. Especially, appointment of western political organizations by Chinese dynasties and the political use of the appointment title decreased due to the depreciation in strategic value of western area because of Western Wei(西魏) and Northern Zhou(北周)‘s territory expansion. There was a small change in Baekje’s general title which had been practically fixed as Zhendongdajiangjun(鎭東大將軍, general title) during the 5th century. It was the degradation to Suidongjiangjun(綏東將軍, general title) in 524, and this appeared when Chinese southern dynasties appointed the lower general title than former period to surrounding countries. In the 6th century, Baekje was temporarily superior to Goguryeo on the general title unlike the 5th century when Baekje was inferior to Goguryeo throughout that century. It was the result of interaction of depreciating strategic value of Goguryeo and rising expectations for Baekje. In Northern Qi and Sui of 6th century, the number of appointment of surrounding countries were remarkably less than that of Chinese southern dynasties, and hierarchizing between political organizations by the graded appointment of the general title almost disappeared. This phenomenon means that the political use of the appointment title has disappeared. It was possible because Northern Qi was actually able to make appointment for only eastern political organizations due to the geographic situation surrounded by Northern Zhou(北周), Turk(突厥) and so on, and Sui could control surrounding countries not by the appointment but by the political power since Sui was closer to a unified empire from the establishment stage. The later half of the 6th century, when Northern Qi and Sui made appointment for surrounding countries, is inappropriate to compare the status in the international order between the Three kingdoms of ancient Korea(三國) by analyzing the general title or Sanguan appointed by Chinese dynasties. Ningdongdajiangjun which was appointed to King Muryeong(武寧王) was higher in rank than Ningdongjiangjun(寧東將軍, general title) appointed to king of Goguryeo in the same period. However, the reversal of the title disappeared by the appointment of King Seong(聖王) as Suidongjiangjun, which was lower in rank than Ningdongjiangjun. Dongqingzhoucishi was considered as the appointment title, as well as Dududongqingzhouzhugunshi (都督東靑州諸軍事, area commander-in-chief), which includes expectations of Northern Qi for the military support from Baekje. It is assumed that the appointment was made for Baekje because Northern Qi was not satisfied with the military support from Goguryeo and Silla which was accompanied by the appointment. The reason why Northern Qi had higher expectations in Baekje than Goguryeo and Silla is that they shared the same interests and needed each other.

러시아 민족정책과 한인 레닌과 스탈린시기 소비에트러시아의 민족정책 변화

홍웅호 ( Woong Ho Hong ) 수선사학회 2013 史林 Vol.0 No.46

Soviet Russian system is the realization of proletarian internationalism biggest goal. Lenin and Stalin, the realization of proletarian internationalism ethnic issues to be resolved in the process saw. That way, the principle of national self-determination was set up. Stalin through regional minority Socialist government to integrate citizens saw that. Lenin here, in addition to the rights of minorities were allowed independence and separation. To integrate them into the framework of the socialist system. After the system Soviet Russia is established, in the 1920s, the principle of national self-determination of the non-Russians, especially to protect the autonomy of ethnic federalism is implemented through. Soviet Russia, the government of the nation, these language and culture, mother tongue education policy conducted through the on the one hand through a protected minority. On the other hand, they make a mature culture of people as citizens of the socialist policies that transfer was done. So a minority of organizations springing up, there were no schools to educate their own language. This culture of ethnic minorities in the socialist system went quite developed. In the 1930s, however, the dark clouds of war began two international affairs and Soviet Russia to build socialism in one country should least of the Bolsheviks, including Stalin judgment has led to major changes in national policy. The Stalin`s ‘revolution from above’ through the force and full-scale agricultural collectivization and rapid industrialization policies ‘socialist country’ protection of all minorities Russian Anger has resulted in a policy. To resist the collective farm peasantry, and especially non-Russian ethnic groups kulak farmers called enemy of socialism and remove regulations and the Soviet people`s ethnic bleaching color scheme, that was a reorganization of the Russian People`s localized. The way for the Russian national Bolshevism socialist country ideology was used. Furthermore, non-Russians of their tradition and history, culture, language, living where you do not have any base to migrate to other places coercive methods to force the People`s incorporated into one went out. Soviet Russia, particularly in areas outside national sovereignty and territorial integrity of the nations and the peoples the same so-called ‘diaspora nation’ almost without leaving one man was forced to move as a group. A typical example of this policy was the ‘Koresaram’. Eventually the Russian Revolution, Lenin emphasized before national policy, national self-determination was a revolution in the 1920s with a confederation of minority protection policies were implemented. However, since the late 1920s, especially in the mid-1930s by the Russian central liberal Stalinist ‘socialist country’ policy was changed.

프랑스 외무부 문서로 본 대한제국의 국제 관계

박지현 ( Ji Hyun Park ) 수선사학회 2014 史林 Vol.0 No.48

The objective of this article is to examine the international relations of the Korean Empire in order to understand the influence of European diplomatic foreign policies from 1987 to 1904. The documents of the French Foreign Ministry concerning the Korean Empire (1897-1904) provide clues to how the Korean Empire was affected by fluctuations in European diplomatic foreign policies. They not only track the diplomatic relations between France and Korea, but also between other states such as Russia, Japan, and these will be the focus of the article. Britain allied with Japan in 1902 and 1904 in order to block the Russo-Franco alliance. The latter may have threatened the British Empire`s influence in African and Chinese regions, and Germany refused Britain`s proposal to balance this with an alliance of their own. As such, the British Empire had to find an alternative to Germany, and selected Japan for an anti-Russo-Franco alliance. not only the result of Japanese colonial ambitions, but also the diplomatic strategy of European Empire nations.

논문 : 대한제국 초기 고종의 정국구상과 궁내부의 세력변동

김영수 ( Young Soo Kim ) 수선사학회 2008 史林 Vol.0 No.31

1923년 제11회 대한민국임시의정원 회의 연구

박유진 ( Eu-gene Park ) 수선사학회 2017 史林 Vol.0 No.60

The purposes of this article are explaining how the 11th Korean Provisional Congress in 1923 was operated and what was the cause of policy decision of the representatives. The 11th Korean Provisional Congress had legal obligation to restore it`s operating principles and to be a compass which determines unification and policy line of entire Korean national liberation including National Representative Conference as a subject of establishing Korean Provisional Government. By analysing the 11th Korean Provisional Congress, it showed the aspect that a group of representatives were reacted characterfully by the items. This phenomenon was basically because the representatives belonging to the secret political party, such as `Rhee Syingman-group`, `Ahn Changho-group`, `the Shanghai Korean Communist Party-group`. These groups were composed of the common political directivity and had regulations, not of regional intercommunity or leader`s personal charisma. The operation of the 11th Korean Provisional Congress and the main decision maker of the representatives were originated in unification and conflict of these political groups.

근대한러관계연구: 아관파천과 한러관계의 진전 ; 철도부설권과 러시아의 동아시아 정책

홍웅호 ( Woong Ho Hong ) 수선사학회 2010 史林 Vol.0 No.35

해방직후 3.1운동 역사상의 분화

임경석 ( Lim Kyong-sok ) 수선사학회 2018 史林 Vol.0 No.63

After Korea's liberation, the historical perception on the March First Movement is not single. Three types of perception emerged. One of them was advocated by the political group that selected Rhee Syngman and Kim Gu as leaders. The perception is the view that thirty-three representatives of Koreans as a whole led the March First Movement, and that the provisional government of Korea inherited the legitimacy of the Movement The second one is the view that the March First Movement was led not by national bourgeoisie but by the populace. This view was advocated by the political bloc including socialists. The populace is understood to have included laborers, farmers, and petite bourgeoisie. Third view is to admit that, although 33 representatives of Koreans had various weak points, they played positive roles in conducting the March First Movement. The view saw that March First Movement was participated in by the four classes, laborers, farmers, petite bourgeois, and national bourgeoisie. This view was advocated by the group that pursued the unified March First memorial event.

재일동포사회의 통일운동 흐름과 새로운 모색 ―원코리아페스티벌을 중심으로―

이신철 ( Sin Cheol Lee ) 수선사학회 2015 史林 Vol.0 No.52

After the liberation, the Korean resident society in Japan has created a unified organization under common objective of ‘returning home’ and proceeded united activities. Even though the group was disintegrated not long after, until 1950s the Korean Society in Japan had the non-ideological solidarity to some extent on the basis of the shared desire for the united government. Even after the 1960s, the limited solidarity has continued. The solidarity of this period was led by the group of people separated from the Federation of Korean Residents in Japan(Mindan) who supported the democratization movement in South Korea. These people groped a new possibility of solidaratty with the affiliates of the General Association of Korean residents in Japan(Chongryon). With the appearance of this power, a generation that perceive the idea of ‘livelihood’ in Japan as more valuable than ‘returning home’ or ‘home country’ became a newdominant group. In extension of the awareness of this problem, a new form of ethnic culture festivals which emphasizes the ethnic identity(culture) were introduced in the 1980s. This was influenced by democratization movement of South Korea which made use of ethnic culture. Among them, One-Korea Festival has suggested the unification of North and South Korea and Common Community of Asia Theory as their common vision. With an atmosphere of post-cold war of Northeast Asia, this movement has opened a new possibility by getting South and North Korea and Mindan and Chongryon together through cultural events. However, the atmosphere of confrontation between South and North Korea started since 2008 harmed this movement. Not only North Korea but Chongryon stopped participating in this cultural festival. In the mean time, the Korean Wave had a role in filling the place where the culture of Chongryon hadleft with Korean Hallyu culture and Japanese pop culture. Meanwhile, this movement, keeping South Korea as its center, has expanded to a ‘whole world festival’ claiming to advocate the unification movement through combination of culture among 7 million Koreans all around the world. This change has a positive side such as an expansion of the movement, but at the same time suggests the distance from North Korea or Chongryon that is growing further apart. The One-Korea festival with its outcome of 30 years has encountered with the problems to resolve the crisis from inside out, which is the confrontation between South and North Korea and the change of its own characteristics.