제 2 부 : 「 6 ~ 7 세기 전남동부지역의 고고학적 성격 」 에 대한 토론 요지

정훈진 수선사학회 2000 수선사학회 추계 학술발표논문집 Vol.- No.-

제 1 부 : 1930 년대 중화소비에트공화국의 농업정책 - 중앙소비에트구를 중심으로 -

김지훈 수선사학회 2000 수선사학회 추계 학술발표논문집 Vol.- No.-

미군정 시기 국립극장의 논의와 극장의 공공성 담론 연구

이길성 ( Lee Gil-sung ) 수선사학회 2018 사림 Vol.0 No.65

Theaters were important cultural institutions in Korea after the nation’s liberation from the Japanese rule. Promoting the eradication of the remnants of Japanese colonialism and the construction of a democratic national culture, Korean intellectuals argued for the nationalization of theaters and the creation of a national theater. However, their opinions clashed with those of the U.S. Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK), and the attempts to nationalize the ownership of International Theater and turn it into a national theater were frustrated during the U.S. occupation of Korea. Initial plans to nationalize theaters were thwarted due to the USAMGIK’s biased administrative proceedings to support the Central Motion Picture Exchange (CMPE). Similarly, the second attempt also failed when the USAMGIK made an arbitrary decision to transfer the rights to the International Theater to Seoul and the building was turned into the official residence for the mayor of Seoul. As a result, a national theater was established only in 1950, two years after the government of South Korea was founded. Through this process, culture professionals and private organizations such as theater associations criticized the administration’s actions at various levels, and many discussions were brought to the fore. Performing arts groups led by theater organizations and film organizations continued to insist on the nationalization or collectivization of theaters and the establishment of a national theater. To the people in the cultural sector, theaters were not only educational institutions but also the foundation on which true Korean culture was to be developed in line with the founding of new Korea. Based on this general idea, different areas of culture changed their emphases in different circumstances. The cultural group that placed a particular emphasis on the construction of a national theater and the public nature of theaters consisted of theater professionals. Under the banner of a new culture, theater groups were competing with American films and commercial plays in the theaters of Gyeongseong. They were becoming more and more weakened due to the waning popularity of stage theater. On the other hand, film groups found themselves in a situation where production itself was impossible, let alone the discussion about screening spaces. Consequently, the most urgent problem for the film groups was the expanded establishment of state-owned film studios and cinemas across the nation. Meanwhile, the Seoul Theater Association, led by theater managers, advocated an adequate harmony of commercial viability and enlightenment. The members of the association agreed that theaters had to answer the call of the times and build national culture, but the theater was fundamentally a commercial space to them. They argued that, since theater managers had a reasonable mind for operating businesses, they needed to be in charge of the theaters to maintain the balance between the public who wanted entertainment and culture professionals who advocated the formation of a national culture. Most of such discussion, however, were rejected by the USAMGIK and barely reflected in policies. Primarily, the USAMGIK’s theater policy was based on the U.S. foreign policy and the policies the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, led by Douglas MacArthur, implemented in the U.S. occupied Japan. As a result, the policy lacked adjustments or considerations for Korea’s situation or the sentiments of the Korean people. The lack of understanding of the public role of theaters, rejection of the approval to establish a national theater, and unilateral support for the CMPE’s distribution of American films were the main problems in the USAMGIK’s policy. Due to the biased policy and administrative practices of the USAMGIK, the establishment of a national theater proceeded with difficulty, and the purpose of and plans for a national theater were also significantly reduced, resulting in the limited role of the theater as an educational institution for theater professionals and a performance space for high art.

Witenagemot 에 對한 硏究 (上)

文鎭成 수선사학회 1965 史林 Vol.1 No.-

한국전쟁기 북한의 ‘인민군최고사령관’ 제도 도입의 과정과 의미

윤경섭 ( Yun Kyung-seop ) 수선사학회 2018 사림 Vol.0 No.65

This essay focuses on the formation of the ‘Supreme Commander’ regime and its role in initial period of the Korean War. Many scholars have a tendency to consider the ‘Supreme Commander’ of North Korean army only as a military ‘commander in chief’. However, in this essay, it is reviewed as a sort of emergency system in time of war. The institution had its origin from the prerogative of Russian emperor and was directly from the Stalin’ regime in the Soviet-German War period. In this essay, the ‘Supreme Commander’ in North Korea is reviewed as a de facto head of state in war. In the enforcement process of ‘Supreme Commander’ regime, Kim Il Sung became vertually the head of state in North Korea. This essay illuminates the conflicts on the integration of divers military forces which was made by ‘Supreme Commander’, Kim Il Sung.

냉전시기 뉴스영화의 정체성과 실천의 문제 ― <리버티뉴스>의 역사와 외국 재현을 중심으로 ―

박선영 ( Park Sun-young ) 수선사학회 2018 사림 Vol.0 No.65

News films require a multifaceted analysis, as they allow “the viewers to develop a shared identity and enable them to establish a nation or society around this shared identity,” yet are simply audiovisual materials made up of “images” and “narrations” as well as a communication medium that has both senders and receivers. Moreover, news films have been accepted by the public within a specific time period through unique “cinema experiences.” In the 1950s and 1960s, the world was embroiled in a competition between the Soviet Union and the United States, who used the Cold War as a tool or strategy to claim world hegemony. Films, in particular, were chosen as a powerful tool in the Cold War, and the specific films used by the U.S. to wield influence in Korea was the Liberty News. As a result, Liberty News became a platform in which the U.S.’ intentions and the context of Korea’s acceptance of such intentions competed. This paper explores the complex nature of Liberty News through the statistics and analysis of all Liberty News episodes, as well as the comparative analysis of Daehan News and News of the Day using visual materials, scripts, and catalogues. Through this, it examines the role and the significance of news films during the Cold War as well as the rupture between the news films’ identity and practice. Until now, research on Liberty News has discussed Liberty News as a concrete realization of the American policy toward Korea. This study takes it a step further and investigates news films that have been used as a propaganda tool for the United States and their distribution around the globe, as well as the powerful and secret Kingfish Project that funded the production and distribution of the films. Moreover, through the analysis of specific video clips, this paper observes the moments in which the U.S.’ strong intentions were restructured and distorted, and encountered unexpected points of rupture. Various factors were involved and clashed in the competition of the U.S. intentions and the Korean acceptance of those intentions in Liberty News, including the interventions of those who selected and reorganized clips for the Korean audience from imported videos and videos that were thoroughly coordinated, produced, and distributed in line with the USIA’s public diplomacy strategies; Liberty News’ competition and mutual negotiations with Daehan News, as well as the awareness of the Korean public who consumed the films. In this process, the U.S. and the idea of Korea that was developed by the U.S. were reconstructed through the experience of the Korean audience who saw through the “propaganda quality” of Liberty News and determined that they were too “political,” yet preferred them because of the quality of the filming and editing as well as the diversity of the subjects introduced.

한말 기자(箕子)조선 인식에 대한 재고찰 ― 『대동력사(大東歷史)』에 나타난 기자조선 역사서술을 중심으로 ―

정립비 ( Zheng Li-fei ) 수선사학회 2018 사림 Vol.0 No.65

In Korean Empire Period, the Gija Josen was emphasized as a dynasty with legitimacy in historical books except the nationalist ones. On the first sight, this seems to be a stronger version of the classical orthodox in Joseon Dynasty. However, the history of Gija Josen was actually re-written by some historians such as Choi Kyung-Hwan(崔景焕) and Jung Gyo(鄭喬). According to them, Gija had never been invested with rank by Zhou. He became the ruler of Josen because of the abdication from the descendants of Dangun, and the election from the locals. The source of Gija’s legitimacy is not Zhou any more but Josen itself. Under these circumstances, Gija Josen could be thought had the same status as Zhou, with ability to be a strong country in the East with military, economical, cultural powers.

조선후기 동성(同姓)마을의 분화에 대한 연구 ― 경상도 대구부 경주(慶州) 최씨(崔氏) 동성(同姓)마을의 사례 ―

김경란 ( Kim Kyung-ran ) 수선사학회 2018 사림 Vol.0 No.65

One of the major changes in rural communities in the late Joseon period was the increase in the number of clan villages where one or two groups with the same family name and family origin dominated the village exclusively. Clan villages were further expanded during the 18th and 19th centuries, and they seemed to have been divided into various types of clan villages in that process. The internal structures of Gyeongju Choi's clan villages in the late Joseon period differed in type. Some villages consisted of several genealogies, and others were composed of a single genealogy. There were also villages that were not a clan village but were gregariously inhabited mainly by illegitimate genealogies, and others mainly by soldiers and craftsmen. As the formation of a clan village was affected by the internal situations of both patrilineal descent group and rural community, all villages had not developed into clan villages. However, clan villages and other types of villages had a commonality in that they showed a gregarious aspect based on the medium of blood relations.

고려시대의 차[茶]와 다방(茶房)

윤성재 ( Yoon Sung-jae ) 수선사학회 2018 사림 Vol.0 No.65

The tea office(茶房) is the government office that was in charge of making tea and herbal medicine used in the court. It was managed the tea for the banquet of foreign envoys and officials and the liquor and fruit for the royal family. It is not known when the tea office was installed, but it was already in existence in 1047. There was no tea office in “GoRyeoSa” ‘Servants’. It was installed based on the example of the Song`s DoChaBang(都茶房) but the operation was different. It was the responsibility of the official, not the eunuch. The medical functions of the tea office were well illustrated in “SinJipEoUiChwalYoBangSeo” written by Lee GyuBo(李奎報). According to the preface, that copy of it was a copy of a prescription collected from the tea office. There was already a tea room in a coffee shop, and although it was simple, it was used in the royal court of Goryeo and was very effective. So I chose some of the prescriptions that I thought were important to people, and made them into two volumes. There are the Royal Medical Organization, TaeUiGam(太醫監) and SangYakGuk(尙藥局), why did the tea office have the prescription and used it? The answer is in the word “Tea”. In Goryeo, tea was named for every beverage that was boiled like tea even without tea, and the tea office was used to make tea. Tea from the tea office was not just a drink, but a medicine for the health of the body or for the relief of simple physical discomfort. However, it was not for medical purposes and had a pharmacology effect as a permanent beverage. Therefore, there were prescription books in the tea office, and medical offices were placed. Based on this, Choi JongJun(崔宗峻) was able to compile “EoUiChwalYo”.

백제 무령왕대의 급사(急使)

백미선 ( Baek Mi-sun ) 수선사학회 2018 사림 Vol.0 No.65

A roof tile with the inscription about “an express envoy(急使)” was found in the Songsanri No.6 Tomb and the Tomb of King Muryeong. Since an envoy(使) means an official who was delegated the authority of a king, an express messenger is also considered as an official title of envoys of Baekje. The task of an express envoy was closely related to the construction of royal tombs. To construct royal tombs, various structures such as roof tile making workshops were created in Sabi area and necessary workforces flowed in. An express envoy seems to have actively engaged in this process moving back and forth between the royal capital and Sabi under the order of King Muryeong. It was necessary to connect the central area to the countryside in order to mobilize resources and workforces to Sabi. King Muryeong’s rule penetrated into the local society through an express envoy and as a result, mobilized workforces became the human foundation for governing Sabi area. The fact that king’s power directly penetrated into the local society through an envoy means that local control was strengthened. In addition, it demonstrates an aspect of local development during the Baekje Era that King Muryeong directly led the development of Sabi area by dispatching an express envoy.