국내 위성사업의 전망과 파급효과 분석

홍정완,서승우,Hong, Jeong-Wan,Seo, Seung-U 한국전자통신연구원 1995 전자통신동향분석 Vol.10 No.4

본 연구는 지금까지는 초보 단계에 머룰러 있지만 무궁화위성의 발사를 계기로 점차 활성화되고 있는 우리나라의 위성사업에 대해 먼저 알아보고, 이 위성사업의 기술적, 경제적 파급효과를 분석하였다. 위성 서비스 시장 규모는 초기에는 500억원 정도에 머물겠으나, 무궁화위성의 수명이 거의 끝나가는 2005년에는 약 1500억원 정도로 커질 것이다. 그리고 위성 관련 단말기 시장은 연간 1500억원 정도 될 것으로 예상된다. 특히 DBS 서비스와 위성 비디오통신 서비스는 서비스 시장의 2/3 이상을 차지하는 큰 시장이 될 것이며, DBS 수신기 시장도 성장 가능성이 매우 큰 분야이다. 무궁화위성은 우리나라를 위성 보유국의 대열에 낄 수 있게 하였으며, 위성 제작 기술 보유국이 되는 기반을 마련할 수 있게 하였다. 무궁화위성 이후의 위성사업계획과 연구 투자 계획에 비추어 볼 때, 2000년대가 되면 우리나라도 위성 발사체 분야를 제외한 대부분의 위성기술을 보유하는 나라가 될 것으로 예상된다.

한국전쟁과 한국 경제학계의 지적 프레임 변동

홍정완 ( Hong Jeong Wan ) 인하대학교 한국학연구소 2020 한국학연구 Vol.0 No.59

해방 이후 맑스주의경제학의 영향력이 컸던 경제학계의 학문경향은 한국전쟁 발발 이후 그 이전과는 확연히 다른 학문경향으로 급속히 재편되어 갔다. 전시(戰時)부터 경제학자들의 주된 관심은 케인즈경제학으로 급격히 전화하였고, 그러한 전화의 지렛대는 1940년대 미국 경제학계에서 산출한 케인즈경제학 해설서, 즉 케인즈경제학을 투자ㆍ저축ㆍ국민소득결정에 관한 경제이론으로서 해석한 텍스트들이었다. 당시 고도로 발달한 자본주의 경제체제를 배경으로 산출되었던 케인즈경제학이 후진적인 한국 경제체제에 적합한 것인가에 대한 회의적 평가 또한 제기되었지만, 케인즈경제학이 후진국의 경제성장 문제에 활용될 여지가 크다는 점에 주목하였다. 대공황과 제2차 세계대전을 겪은 후 전세계적인 정치경제적 체제 변동 속에서 자본주의는 “지양될 운명”이라고 평가하는 가운데 한국의 경제체제 건설을 전망했던 한국 경제학자들의 사상적 경향은 한국전쟁의 발발을 계기로 크게 변화하였다. 지양되어야 할 것이었던 자본주의 체제는 ‘객관적 필연’으로 긍정되었고, 그 속에서 한국경제의 후진성은 ‘전(前)자본주의’ 단계로 낙착되었다. 한국전쟁을 거치며 ‘필연’으로서 자본주의 세계질서 속에서 선진자본주의와 후진자본주의의 역사적 거리는 더욱 현격하게 감각되었으며, 그러한 거리는 ‘전(前)자본주의’와 자본주의 체제의 구도로 이해되는 가운데 유럽 자본주의의 탄생 과정은 ‘부럽게 돌아봐야 할’ 근대화의 경전으로 초점화되기 시작하였다. The Korean economics circle in which Marxist economics was influential in the postwar period underwent drastic changes after the outbreak of the Korean War. Korean economists quickly changed their focus to Keynesian economics. What accelerated their transformation to Keynesian thinking were economics texts published in the United States in the 1940s that interpreted Keynesian economics through the economic theories of investment-savingnational income. To be sure, there was skepticism among Korean economists who questioned the validity of Keynesian economics, which, they believed, was based on the highly developed capitalist system. But they also paid attention to the fact that Keynesian economics would be applied extensively to the issue of economic development in underdeveloped countries. After the Great Depression and World War II, while capitalism was evaluated as “fate to be sublated” amid changes in the global political and economic systems, the ideological tendency of Korean economists to build an economic system in Korea changed greatly after the outbreak of the Korean War. The capitalist system, which should have been sublated, was confirmed as “objective necessity,” and the backwardness of the Korean economy was settled at the “pre-capitalist” stage. After the Korean War, in the world order of capitalism, the historical distance between advanced capitalism and backward capitalism was felt more conspicuously, and while the distance was understood as the composition of “pre-capitalism” and capitalism, the birth process of European capitalism began to be focused as a scripture for modernization that should be envied.

해방 이후 남한 `국민운동(國民運動)`의 국가·국민론과 교토학파의 철학

홍정완 ( Hong Jeong Wan ) 역사문제연구소 2010 역사문제연구 Vol.14 No.1

Examined in this article, is the philosophical foundation of the `National [Citizen] Movement,` which was essentially a movement that promoted the founding of a new nation, led by organizations like the National Society for Rapid Realization of Korean Independence(大韓獨立促成國民會) and the National Society(國民會), bodies that served as an important political source of support for President Yi Seung Man since Korea`s liberation from the Japanese occupation and up until the breakout of the Korean war. At the time, inside the group of promoters of the so-called `National [Citizen] Movement` there were also people who chose to promote the movement with a systemized program that included plans for training the movement leaders and restructuring the rural communities with those leaders at the helm. The Choi Tae Yong group was the most representative example of such efforts, hence in this article the nature of this Choi Tae Yong`s philosophy is most heavily examined. In order to determine the intellectual basis of the National [Citizen] Movement that Choi Tae Yong`s group also suggested and supported, first the characteristics of Choi`s thinking are examined, as well as the changes that such thoughts went through since the 1920s. It is determined that he responded keenly to all the intellectual trends that diversely emerged inside Japan at the time, and it seems that he was heavily influenced by the philosophy of the Kyoto School, headed by renowned figures such as Nishida Kitaro, considering his actions during his political career since Korea`s liberation from Japan. After the liberation, all the figures who followed Choi Tae Yong and actively involved themselves in the South Korean National [Citizen] Movement, continued to iterate the importance of `overcoming modernity` and `determining the ultimate philosophy that was behind the globe`s history,` which were also issues voiced and emphasized by the Kyoto school members since the latter half of the 1930s. Yet Choi and his associates added new elements to such previous Japanese arguments as well. With a new kind of orders inside and outside the country established, such as all those domestic conflicts and not to mention the international Cold war, they argued that the task of founding a new `Republic of Korea` comes with the ultimate missions of `building a country with a world perspective` and also `overcoming the Cold war at the same time,` missions of which the outcome could make significant contributions to the history of the world. They also argued that a new group of entities that would lead such mission should be established. They suggested that all the `modern people,` burdened with private and civilian interests and agendas of their own, should be cast aside and a new type of figures, rather public-oriented figures determined in nation-guarding, be educated and bred. As we can see, they argued that all the ideological conflicts and clashes among Koreans should be stopped and overcome, while they critically labeled Liberalism, Democracy, Communism as all mere products of modernity. Yet at the same time, their main antagonist and target of attack was ultimately the Communist faction. They wanted to reconfigure the ideological battleground inside the Korean society, under the name of `overcoming` them, as such argument would provide the foundation movement of the Republic of Korea a new level of meaning that would transcend any other causes supported by any other ideologies. It was no other than an act of deliberately pioneering to promote and instigate antagonism and hostility, between domestic conflicts and the international Cold war status.

1950∼60년대 한국 정치학계의 미국 정치학 수용 양상 -‘행태주의(behavioralism)’ 정치학 수용을 중심으로-

홍정완 ( Hong Jeong-wan ) 성균관대학교 인문학연구원(성균관대학교 인문과학연구소) 2019 人文科學 Vol.0 No.73

1950년대 후반 한국 정치학계에는 행태주의(behavioralism)로 대표되는 미국 정치학이 적극적으로 수용되었다. 이를 주도했던 정치학자들은 정치와 정치체제를 구성하는 ‘정치행태’에 대한 심리학적, 통계적 자료 분석을 통해 ‘병적인 정치행동’에 대해 진단, 조정, 수정할 수 있는 행태주의 정치학이 갖는 의의를 적극적으로 평가하여 소개하였다. 또한 미국·영국에 대비하여 저개발국가의 정치체제가 갖는 불균형성과 불안정성을 강조하고, 이를 정치화 또는 정치교육에 근거하여 점진적으로 극복해야 한다고 보았다. 행태주의 정치학의 수용, 확산 과정에서 일부 정치학자들은 행태주의정치학에서 ‘이념’과 ‘가치’의 문제가 주변화, 배제되는 경향에 대해 비판적인 입장을 표명하기도 했으며, 표면적인 정치현상의 계량화에 치중한 행태주의정치학은 ‘후진사회’에 적합하지 않다고 주장하기도 하였다. American political science represented by behavioralism was actively introduced to Korean political scientists in the late 1950s. Their attraction to behavioralism was premised on their observation that the idea would make it possible to diagnose, manage and adjust pathological ‘political activities’ by analyzing psychological and statistical resources related to the political behaviors that constitute politics and political systems. These political scientists emphasized the imbalance and instability of political systems in underdeveloped countries, as compared to those in the United States and Great Britain, and contended that political problems in the former nations could be gradually overcome through political education. But some Korean political scientists found it critical that behavioralism had shown a tendency to marginalize the question of ‘ideology’ and ‘value,’ and thus argued that behavioralism was not applicable to ‘underdeveloped societies’ since it focuses on the quantification of superficial political situations.

한말 ‘동양’ ․ ‘아시아’ 담론과 ‘민족’의 발견

홍정완(Hong, Jeong Wan) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2017 동방학지 Vol.180 No.-

개항 이후 조선에 나타난 ‘동양’․‘아시아’ 담론, 특히 인종주의적인 삼국제휴론 등에 대해 기존 연구는 일본 제국주의의 침략성을 간파하지 못하게 하고, 근대적인 민족국가의 수립을 저해하는 요인이자 극복의 대상으로 간주하였다. 그러나 한말(韓末) 인종주의적 동양 담론의 역사적 전개 양상을 살펴볼 경우, 그것을 단지 근대적인 ‘민족’의 발견이나 민족국가의 형성을 저지했던 요인으로만 파악하는 것은 적절치 않다. 의화단운동을 거치며 조선에서 더욱 확산되었던 인종주의에 입각한 “멸종(滅種)”의 위기의식은 ‘왕조의 쇠락’과는 차원을 달리하는 종족(種族), 주민집단의 존멸(存滅)을 표상하게 함으로써 위기에 처한 “동포민족(同胞民族)”이라는 표현을 출현케 하였다. 나아가 러일전쟁을 겪고 국망(國亡)의 위기의식 속에서 황인종으로서의 ‘종(種)’을 넘어서 국가의 명운과 결부된 형태의‘종(種)’ 혹은 국가와 구분되는 주민집단으로서“민종(民種)”, “민족(民族)”이라는 표현이 사용되었던 것에서 알 수 있듯이 집단적 주체로서 ‘민족’의 발견 과정에 생물학적 인종 담론이 갖는 매개적 역할 또한 주목해야 할 것이다. 이와 더불어 문명개화론에 입각하여 동아시아 삼국제휴론을 전개했던 논자들의 경우 “천청(賤淸)” 의식에서 배태되어 있듯이 문명화에 이르지 못한 조선을 문명국(일본)이 이끌어야 한다는 논리를 내장하고 있는 것이었다. 그에 따라 러일전쟁 이후 그들의 삼국제휴론 속에는 일본에 의한 한국의 문명화 논리가 더욱 강화되는 양상을 보였던 것이다. 그들이 견지했던 ‘근대문명주의’적 관점은 자기문화에 대한 멸시적 태도와 직결된 것이었고, 대내․대외적인 양 방향에서 식민주의적 태도를 심화시켰다고 할 수 있다. 그에 비해 변법론에 입각하여 동아시아 삼국제휴론을 전개했던 논자들은 다른 양상을 보였다. 자국에서 지속되어 왔던 문화에 대해 재발견, 재의미화를 시도하는 가운데 점진적인 문명화를 추구했던 변법론자들 또한 인종경쟁론과 같은 사회진화론적 사고에서 탈피할 수 없었기 때문에 대안적인 ‘문명론’을 체계화하지는 못했지만 한․청․일의 삼국제휴론 그 자체의 논리적 완결성은 비교적 높았다고 할 수 있다. 그들은 단순히 일본에 의존하여 현재의 위기를 극복한다는 관점에 대해 상대적으로 부정적 반응을 보였고, ‘청’의 존재와 역할에 대해 일정한 의미 부여를 유지해 나갔던 것이다. 변법론적인 수용 태도 또한 ‘문명화’의 논리를 거부한 것은 아니었지만, ‘지속되어 왔던 자문화’에 대한 재전유를 시도함으로써 근대국가로의 전환과정에서 나타나는 폭력성의 문제와 함께 새로운 해방성의 방향을 재구성해 나가는 것에서 좀 더 적극적인 역할을 할 수 있었다. The consciousness of an extinction -related crisis based on racism, which was wide spread in Joseon after the Uihwadan Movement, led to the emergence of the expression countrymen s nation, which carried a different undertone from the fall of the dynasty. After the Russo-Japanese War, the need to make Joseon a protected state became visible. Withe the awareness of a crisis threatening the country of falling, meanings of tribe as connected to the fate of the country began to emerge over the boundary of the Mongoloid species. The expression Minjong (民種) also emerged to designate the species formed by the resident group that was distinguished from the state. Therefore, when studying the process of discovery of the nation in the collective consciousness, there should be a focus on the mediating role of the discourse on biological race. The theory of solidarity between the three East Asian countries, which was developed based on the theory of civilization, posits that a civilized country (Japan) should lead Joseon, which was not considered civilized based on the consciousness of Cheoncheong (賤淸). After the Russo-Japanese War, the theory of solidarity between the three East Asian countries further reinforced the idea that Japan was helping Joseon turn into a civilized country. Whereas The advocates of the Byeonbopron (變法論), who sought progressive civilization in the middle of attempts to rediscover their own culture and to grant it new meanings, had a relatively negative response to the idea that Joseon should overcome its current crisis by simply depending on Japan, and they continuously emphasized the existence and roles of Qing .

[한국현대] 신진 연구자들에 의한 남 · 북 현대사 연구의 진전과 확장: 2018~2019년 한국현대사 연구 동향

홍정완(Hong, Jeong Wan) 역사학회 2020 역사학보 Vol.0 No.247

This paper examines the research trends of Korean contemporary history from 2018 to 2019. For two years, researchers of Korean contemporary history focused on reflecting on the ‘history wars’, which had been intensifying over the legitimacy of the nation, while there was little discussion about the meaning of Supreme Court ruling(2018) regarding forced mobilization at the end of Japanese colonial rule. In this paper, the research trends of Korean contemporary history are examined in three themes. First, it can be said that the research activities of doctoral and postdoctoral researchers stood out in terms of quantitative aspects and the pioneering nature of research themes in North Korean history research. Secondly, the study of Korean contemporary history is related to the study of ‘Cold War history’. The regional and transnational perspectives of ‘Cold War History’ research should be affected more to Korean contemporary history research. Third, the scope of research has tended to extend beyond the 1970s to the 1980s. As a trend in economic history research, it is noteworthy that the trend of industrial history research is to dynamically understand the growth and development of industry from the interaction between government policies and companies (capital). Also, this paper covers the academic research of doctoral and postdoctoral researchers on Korean society in the 1980s. It is regrettable that interest in political and economic history is relatively low, but it is desirable that research by doctoral and postdoctoral researchers in the 1980s and 1990s will be more active.

주현측(朱賢則)의 생애와 활동

홍정완(HONG Jeong Wan),박형우(PARK Hyoung Woo) 大韓醫史學會 2008 醫史學 Vol.17 No.1

Chu Hyun Chik was one of those who graduated first from Jejungwon Medical School in 1908 and had carried on an independence movement as well as religious educational and social movement both as a doctor and a Christian. He opened the Inje Hospital(仁濟醫院) in Sunch'ŏn(宣川) North Pyeongan Province in 1909 and was put in prison on charges of being involved in Incident of'105 People' as he joined in Sinminhoe(新民會) in which christians(Christians) from Gwanseo(關西) showed their initiative. With 3·1 Movement as a momentum he started to raise funds for an independence movement mainly in North Pyongan Province as a councilor of the Ministry of Finance of Shanghai Provisional Government of Korea. After he moved into Andong(安東) Manchuria he continued to support the spread of an independence movement by connecting Shanghai Provisional Government of Korea with the country. In October 1919 he came to Sanghai as an exile and lead diverse activities as a member of Shin Han young man party(新韓靑年黨) and one of the leading men of Korean Christendom especially related to An Chang Ho(安昌浩) and christians around him and joining in Hungsadan(興士團). In 1925 when he returned home he opened the Dongje Hospital(同濟醫院) and devoted himself to the developments of religious educational and social movement as a president of YMCA Sunch'ŏn(宣川) and an executive of a branch of Suyang Donguhoe in Sunch'ŏn(宣川). By Incident of Suyang Donguhoe(修養同友會) he was put in prison resisting Japanese Imperialism and died in 1942.

1950년대 한국 경제학계의 후진국 개발론 수용

홍정완(Hong, Jeong-Wan) 한국사연구회 2018 한국사연구 Vol.- No.182

일제하~해방후 한치진(韓稚振)의 학문체계 정립과 `민주주의`론

홍정완 ( Hong Jeong Wan ) 역사문제연구소 2010 역사문제연구 Vol.14 No.2

In this article, the social philosophy of Han Chi-jin(1900~?) is examined, in relation with the characteristics of the academic system established during the Japanese occupation period, and also the argument for `democracy` that prevailed during the U.S. Military Government period. His academic bearings were established during his visit to the University of South California in the 1920s. His traits were the embodiment of his own thinking of life and society as an intellectual originated from a colonized world, and not to mention the philosophical and sociological traits that were widely accepted in early 20th century America. In his quest for determining the nature of pains and suffering embedded in human existence, he established his own philosophical position of considering individuals` uniqueness and originality above all else, based upon his own professors`s philosophical viewpoint. His social philosophy was completed with the help of a spiritual world view supporting an individualistic attitude, and psychological sociology ideas of U.S. scholars at the time. After the liberation, Han Chi-jin joined the Department of Public Information(DPI) of the U.S. Military Government and led the task of creating a `Democracy Discourse` for the U.S. Military government based upon his own social philosophy. His argument for `Democracy` was primarily a critical argument launched against the `Left Wing Democracy`which was aiming for a radical reform of the socio-economic system and also the form of ruling through spreading the argument of `Politics by the People,` which was a concept based upon values such as “regardless of social classes” and `individuality.` Also, regarding the issue of founding a democratic `government(state),` he supported the liberalist attitude which actively protected the meaning of individuals, so we can say he was critical of some intellectual trends of the time which relied upon the supposedly supreme nature and functions of the race and the state. He also tried to merge the desire for a modern civilization with the ongoing efforts of founding a state, by not merely arguing liberal democratization of a government`s form, but also suggesting an argument defining `Democracy` as `Independence(自主),` which was literally an attempt to merge the concept of democracy, with concepts such as `lifestyles` and `civilization.`

전후 재건과 지식인층의 `도의(道義)` 담론

홍정완 ( Hong Jeong Wan ) 역사문제연구소 2008 역사문제연구 Vol.12 No.1

Since the breakout and aftermath of the Korean war, members of the government (more like powerful officials in power) and a lot of intellectual figures were altogether facing a situation which showed severe fluctuation in the status of traditional values, and social crises triggered by political and economic disturbances. So they had to seek out for a new ideology, and a rule of life, that would stabilize the social structure and at the same time unite the nation. In the process, a specific concept was consistently suggested and argued by the intellectuals, and that concept was no other than the one of `Morality(道義)`. Such concept was mostly mentioned by the governmental authorities and also intellectuals who were close to power. They were trying to contain social crises, and in that regard they were responding in a fairly conservative way. Yet, as discussions continued, such conservative approaches also led to an opportunity, an establishment of a space where clashes and conflicts continued in intellectual terms. Among the intellectuals who were discussing the concept of `Morality(道義)`, some of them displayed a trend in which they argued the importance of inheriting traditional values and the merit of supporting the so-called `National spirit(民族精神)`, which actually had no bases in historical terms. This trend clearly exhibited an ideological quality of its own, as it aspired for an extreme level of anti-Communist and conservative stance, supporting the stabilization of the system in response to certain social crises. Yet, at the same time, such trend also displayed certain efforts trying to secure a basis for national unity, by suggesting the need of active evaluation of history and culture of the nation and the people. Also, there was another trend which tried, in an effort to overcome the under-developed nature of the Korean society, to break through the social disorders of the time by spreading the so-called `ethics for modern citizens`. Based upon the concept of `Western modernity`, devised in ideological terms with positive nuances, a group of intellectuals supported values such as modern-based political freedom and the merit of moral autonomy. But their so-called `modern rationalism` perceived the public`s lives as nothing but a mere hotbed that gave birth to the under-developed reality of the Korean people in the first place. And they also viewed the people`s lives as a space solely dictated by irrationality and superstition. Therefore they failed to acknowledge `the people` as entities that could be communicated with themselves, through their(the intellectuals`) supposed rationality.