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        조선총독부의 조선인 도지사 임용정책과 양상

        한긍희 ( Han Keung Hee ) 역사문제연구소 2009 역사문제연구 Vol.13 No.2

        The highest ranking position that a Joseon individual could reach under the ruling of the Joseon Governor General office, was the seat of a provincial governor. How the appointment policy of the governor general office, and the reality involved in such appointments, would have changed over the years? The Joseon individuals who reached the level of a governor always received attention, so it would be important to examine their career, their background, and what kind of routes they took to become a provincial governor. In this article, such examinations are made. And by doing so, we could examine the appointment process for the Joseon official and also the flow of such policy`s implementation, while also examining the changing nature of the colonial policies in general. Only a few high ranking Joseon officials reached the level of a governor. In order to become a provincial governor one surely had to have professional expertise as an administrative official, but the Koreans at the time also had to have something else. They would have to have a background based upon either a private or official relationship with the leadership of the Governor General office, who would have been in charge of making personnel appointments. The average serving period of a Joseon provincial governor was roughly 2 years and 4 months, and the average figure for an individual`s stay in office was 4 years. One would usually end up serving as a governor in two regions, once been appointed to a provincial governor for the first time. The Joseon people who were appointed as provincial governors in the 1910s were selected because they all had the background of serving as members of the `Pro-Japanese` party. In many cases they lacked the capability or professional expertise as a modern-day administrative official, yet the Governor General office let them retain their jobs, in return for their service to the Japanese colonial leadership. Yet passing the early 1920s, they began to be replaced by more capable and more professional individuals, and such trend was finalized in the late 1920s and the 1930s. Since then, only the Joseon people equipped with necessary experience and administrative skills were appointed as provincial governors, and they showed several groups inside them, like people who started from the bottom line of the administrative chain of command, and people who were deemed `qualified` by graduating from prominent schools or passing the supreme literary official test. The ratio of such figures actually grown in following periods, and it shows that the Japanese leadership was changing its policy, and was requiring the possession of general capability from the Joseon candidates for provincial governor seats, instead of only recognizing special circumstances, in the 1930s. The average age when the Joseon people were appointed as provincial governors, was around 50. It should be noted that many of them had earli er studied in Japan, or studied in Japanese language schools opened in Jos eon. Such background would have surely helped them accumulate contacts with the Japanese, and establish relationships with them as well. And later they went through promotions, to eventually become provincial governors. The people who were appointed before the 1920s generally went through a course of `magistrate → participatory observer → rovincial governor,` whi le the people who were appointed after the 1930s typically went through a course of `Gun or Do secretary → magistrate → provincial commissioner → Do administrative officer / participatory observer → provincial governo r.` In the meantime, some of the appointees were graduates from the Japa nese Imperial university or passers of the supreme literary official test, who also happened to serve as administrative officers inside the Governor Gener al office headquarters. Although there were no legal dictation, 5 out of 13 provincial governor seats were almost always alloted to the Joseon people. It was essentially a quota for the Koreans. And those five seats were of provinces that posed no significance power or influence, or provinces that displayed lesser importance in geo-political terms. On the contrary, other important provinces including the head province Gyeonggi-do and other regions near the border, were governed by Japanese governors. We can see that, while the Joseon provincial governors were essentially `chosen ones` selected by the Joseon Governor General office, even them as well were being discriminated to a certain extent by the Japanese oppressors.

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