The Changing Nature of the India-Pakistan Rivalry:Analysis in South Asian Regional Context

전광호 한국평화연구학회 2021 평화학연구 Vol.22 No.2

The India-Pakistan rivalry has endured since 1947 but the nature of the troubled relationship is changing. This paper examines academic discourse, political speeches and media reports, and concludes that the relationship is becoming increasingly asymmetric as India responds better to regional geopolitics and has stronger economic drivers than Pakistan. The paper examines the modern rivalry through regional level analysis. The regional level, where still on-going conflict and chaos in Afghanistan prevails, is providing the opportunity for the rivalry to be played out in proxy and the Sino-Indian narrative is increasingly superseding the traditional India-Pakistan one.

Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) as a Concept for US Satellite Protection?

전광호 국방대학교 국가안전보장문제연구소 2014 The Korean Journal of Security Affairs Vol.19 No.1

This paper examines the use of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) as a form ofdeterrence employed by the US to protect itself considering its dependence uponspace-based capabilities and their associated vulnerabilities. Using research material ranging from academic papers to official government and military documents, itconcludes that a MAD deterrence strategy does not sufficiently protect satellites and is fundamentally undermined by a wide range of issues. These include the humanelements of a very poor ability to forecast strategic shocks and a susceptibility topsychological conditions; such limits to understanding of threats leave the US open topre-emptive or surprise attacks - a “Space Pearl Harbor.”

NATO:Adaptation and Relevance for the 21st Century

전광호 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2013 Journal of International and Area Studies Vol.20 No.2

NATO’s demise has been much heralded, dismissed by many as a remnant of the Cold War era, with no role in today’s complex security environment. Institutionally, the Alliance has endured beyond expected norms, evolving to remain relevant. This paper examines thematically how the Alliance has developed, through the prisms of its institutions, capabilities and political will. Analysing the areas of international relations and institutional theory, it establishes that NATO remains relevant. Whilst the Alliance is more flexible than it is perceived, enlargement has brought a divergence of views amongst members, which has led to particular tensions in burden-sharing and willingness to face risk, as highlighted in Iraq, Afghanistan and Libya. Whilst this dissonance continues, there is little prospect of NATO challenging the UN in terms of legitimate intervention. The process of change must continue.

반테러리즘에 대한 평화적 해결논의와무력의 사용

전광호 경희대학교(국제캠퍼스) 국제지역연구원 2007 아태연구 Vol.14 No.2

Since the creation of the International Law, the issue of the peaceful settlement of disputes has attracted the attention of the international community. And with the creation of the United Nations and the adoption of its charter, which places an obligation to states for the pacific settlement of disputes, this idea was closer to the realisation. But, the world division during the Cold War era led these efforts to a stalemate. After its end, the international community entered into a new era of co‐operation and development. The belief of a multilateral international system in which states would resolve their disputes by peaceful means with respect to the fundamental principles of International Law, was widely spread. Furthermore, since then conflict prevention has been recognized for its effectiveness by the international community. However, the 9/11 terrorist attacks marked the beginning of a new era in the international relations. They challenged the international environment of security affairs and triggered a debated over the effectiveness of the existing international legal order. One year after the attacks the US administration published its first National Security Strategy in which it drew the attention of the international community toward new threats such as weapons of mass destruction and terrorism and envisaged a new future for the International Law governing the use of force and the right to self‐defence. For years these issues were, and should be still, regulated by the provisions of the UN Charter, which crystallize the customary law. The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact that the US NSS (US National Security Strategy) could have if adopted by the majority of stated on the obligation for the pacific settlement of disputes. The main question the paper posses is the prospect for the peaceful resolution of conflicts in a supposed era of unilateral recourse to force, justified by the special character of modern threats posed to the international community. A related issue that would be investigated is the prospect for conflict prevention and the role of United Nations in this field under the new international legal order that the US NSS envisaged. To this end, the focus will be on the existing international legal framework of the peaceful settlement of disputes, with reference to the International Law of the use of force and conflict prevention, through the UN charter as well as other sources, such as the Manila Declaration and the Friendly Relation Declaration of the United Nations General Assembly. And this paper is devoted to the US foreign policy after the attacks in the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon and the development of the so‐called Bush Doctrine of preemptive self‐defence. 현대 국제법 체계의 등장과 함께 갈등의 평화적 해결이라는 이슈는 국제사회의 큰 주목을 받아왔다. 특히 유엔의 성립과 갈등의 평화적 해결을 명시한 유엔 헌장의 채택으로 이러한 이슈는 더욱 현실적인 의제로 국제사회에 등장 한 것으로 볼 수 있다. 그러나 냉전 시기를 통하여 세계의 양분화 현상은 이러한 노력들이 결코 간단한 선언적 차원의 문제가 아님을 실증적으로 보여주었다. 그 후 냉전의 종식과 함께 국제사회는 새로운 협력과 발전의 시대로 접어 들었다. 세계의 각 국가들이 다극화된 국제체제에서 분쟁을 평화적으로 해결한다는 국제법의 기본 정신을 받아 들이는 것은 지극히 당위적인 결론이었으며, 분쟁 예방의 개념은 국제사회에 더욱 깊이 뿌리 내리게 되었다. 그러나 9/11 테러는 국제관계에 있어 새로운 시대에 있어 평화적 분쟁해결의 개념 자체와 그 실질적인 효용성에 관한 근본적인 논쟁을 촉발 시켰다. 국제사회가 대량살상무기와 테러리즘이라는 새로운 위협에 주목하면서부터 국제법은 무력의 사용을 통제해야 한다는 당위성과, 반면 국가의 자위권을 인정해야만 한다는 모순된 의제들에 직면 하였다. 이 글의 목적은 미국 국가안보전략에 있어 갈등의 평화적 해결이 미치는 영향을 분석하는 것이다. 따라서 이 글에서는 현대 국제사회가 직면한 특정 위협에 대하여 특정한 시기에 무력에 의한 평화적 분쟁 해결이 가능한 것인가에 관해 고찰하려 한다. 나아가 새로운 국제법의 질서 하에서 미국 국가안보전략과 분쟁예방의 가능성, 그에 수반한 유엔의 역할에 대해 분석할 것이다. 끝으로 평화적 갈등해결을 위한 현존하는 국제법규, 유엔헌장과 이의 후속조치라고 할 수 있는 마닐라선언, UN Declaration on Friendly Relations 등을 통한 분쟁예방에서의 무력 사용이라는 민감한 이슈에 대해 살펴보고, 9/11 이후 미국의 대외정책, 특히 부시 독트린으로 불리는 예방적 자위권의 문제에 대해 논하려 한다.

Nuclear Iran Dealing Options for the International Community

전광호 국방대학교 국가안전보장문제연구소 2011 The Korean Journal of Security Affairs Vol.16 No.1

How to deal with Iran’s nuclear program is a question which remains under discussion in some Western capitals. My research indicates that Iran’s nuclear program cannot be certified as not having a military dimension. However, the accusations that Iran is pursuing nuclear weapons are not based on concrete evidence. Furthermore, it has the right to develop the nuclear fuel cycle technologies, e.g., uranium enrichment. The primary issue is not the nuclear proliferation but the challenge to the U.S. interests in the Middle East. Notwithstanding the differences, a negotiated solution is considered possible and is in the interest of all stakeholders.

STBC 송신 다이버시티와 균등 송신 다이버시티가 결합된 송신 다이버시티

전광호,민승현,리우리준,임명섭 한국통신학회 2008 韓國通信學會論文誌 Vol.33 No.2

China’s Maritime Transformation:Naval Superpower in the 21st Century?

전광호 한국동북아학회 2014 한국동북아논총 Vol.19 No.1

Maritime military capabilities exist to protect the interest of seafaring nations across the world. Today China leads the world in economic growth, and that growth is both enabled by the export trades of goods at sea as well as by the access to raw materials and energy. This paper will address the issue of China’s slow natured approach to developing sufficient defensive capabilities for its maritime interests. It will explore the current strategy of PLAN and the areas in which it is choosing to invest and those in which it is choosing forego. It will also assess the newfound capacity of China’s ship building industry to supply maritime defence capabilities to identify whether this could be a trigger that allows a rapid capability expansion. Some consideration will be made for historical approaches by both China and by other states rising to power, so as to identify trends in present‐day strategies, however the focus of the paper remains in regards to current investments and capabilities. This paper will form an assessment of China’s timing‐conscious approach to expanding is control in the maritime domain. It will identify that while China has both motivators and capability that enable it to assert itself in the short‐term it has enacted a calculated restraint in its expansion. The difficulty of expanding into seas in which rivals will try to deny ability, is highlighted as being problematic for China and the diversity in its approach with considerations for ‘killer maces’ (capabilities that can strike decisively) are ways in which it will try to offset this balance as it grows its force. Its ambition is identified as being real and it is highlighted that China’s cautious approach should not be mistaken for weakness. The interests that PLAN exists to defend are and will remain a central part of China’s growth, stability and security and will continue grow demanding an increasingly capable defensive strategy.

European Parliament and its Position in the Context of the Constitutional Debate

전광호 한국유럽학회 2007 유럽연구 Vol.25 No.1

Conflict Prevention and Regional Organisations The Role of the African Union in Burundi Crisis

전광호 경희대학교 인류사회재건연구원 2008 OUGHTOPIA Vol.23 No.2

The aim of this study is to explore what is the ability of the African Union in conflict prevention. In order to have a better comprehension of the abilities of the African Union (AU) in conflict prevention, we will need to critically examine how its predecessor, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), have created the environment for emergence of regionalism in the areas of peace and security. And then the study will focus on the specific case of Burundi. Following analysis of both African regional organisations capacities in conflict prevention, objective will be to examine the peace support mission of each of the organisation, as they both intervened in Burundi, in order to assess the role and effectiveness of their intervention. In analysis of the African peace support interventions in Burundi, the African Union mission has, compared to the OAU observer mission illustrated a great progress in its conflict prevention capacities, but yet significant improvements must still be made. Burundi remains a small country and it is about the management of a domestic conflict. If even in this case resources are limited, how could the African Union be efficient in more important conflicts? It is also important to note that beside regional efforts in conflict resolution in Burundi, governmental and nongovernmental bilateral and domestic initiatives were as well significant contributions to the peace process. Throughout this study, it has been shown that the future trend of conflict management and peacekeeping in Africa is the sharing of responsibility between the AU, subregional organisations, and the United Nations. It is clear that avoiding armed conflicts is essential because most of the time the victims of it are the population, but almost nothing will change if the root causes are not being addressed.

The UN Enforcement of Chapter VII and the UN Security Council

전광호 대한정치학회 2011 大韓政治學會報 Vol.19 No.1

The Security Council has been criticized for failing to suppress acts of aggression. Some argue that this is due to the lack of the permanent UN force in Chapter VII of the UN Charter. How have these Articles, designed to give the Council authority and power fallen into abeyance? The paper examines whether, or not, the enforcement Articles of Chapter VII of the UN Charter and the Security Council, are fit for their current role. Through secondary sources the paper examines: The UN and it’s Charter; Chapter VII of the Charter; The Military Staff Committee, and; The Security Council. The paper concludes that: The Security Council’s role falls short of that originally anticipated; Original enforcement plans were for standby arrangements only; UN members now choose to ignore their standby force commitments, under Article 43, and the Uniting for Peace resolution; The Security Council is perceived as being dominated by the US; The Council requires reform to make it more representative of UN membership and more accountable; The Charter is a treaty and it is technically illegal for UN members and the Security Council to exercise their powers outside the Charter; If global civil society now demands that the Security Council conducts Preventive diplomacy, Peace-building, Peace-making, Peace-keeping and Peace-enforcement, then the UN Charter requires amendment.