바이든 정부의 대중동정책 : 핵심 이슈와 전망

장지향 제주평화연구원 2021 JPI Peace Net Vol.2021 No.3

Differentiated Modes of Interest Representation and the Politics of Transitional Regimes in Turkey and Egypt

장지향 한국외국어대학교 외국학종합연구센터 2009 International Area Review Vol.12 No.1

해외의정 리뷰 : 미국의 이슬람 국가에 대한 정책

장지향 한국의회발전연구회 2015 의정연구 Vol.21 No.2

On the Road to Moderation: The Role of Islamic Business in Transforming Political Islamists in Turkey

장지향 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2006 Journal of International and Area Studies Vol.13 No.2

Economic liberalization policy in the 1980s engineered a shift from import substitution and a first generation of state-sponsored industrialists to export orientation and a new generation of entrepreneurs committed to Islamic values in the Middle East and North Africa. Outward-driven Turkish Islamic business in manufacturing and services became economically empowered in the globalization process and organized its own encompassing business representation. In doing so, the new riches have motivated their Islamist counterpart in politics to adopt more market-oriented programs in order to secure their business interests through the networks of Islamic community where the exclusion by the secularist state formed a sense of solidarity.

90년대 터키의 정치변동 연구 : 이슬람 복지당(Refah Partisi)의 집권을 중심으로

장지향 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 1997 중동연구 Vol.16 No.1

Turkey was launched as a secular republic in 1923 after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, a suzerain state in the Islam world. Therefore, the Turkish political system has been led by secular politicians since the beginning of the republic. The Islamic-oriented Welfare Party(Refah Partisi), whose ideology are based on the Islamic law Sharia, however, came to power in the 1995 national elections. This study will examine the Welfare Party's success in the recent elections including the 1994 local elections throughout the country. In this paper, I examine factors that bring about the political change, the Welfare Party's rise in the 1990s. Also, a structural approach, analyzing state-society-the Welfare Party relations, is used. This paper is composed of five chapters. In the introduction, I present a framework and methods of this study. In the second chapter, 1 briefly outline the role and influence of Islam in Turkish politics. In the third chapter, I describe the growth and success of the Welfare Party(after 1980) over the National Order Party(Milli Nizam Partisi; 1970-1971) and the National Salvation Party(Milli Selamet Partisi; 1972-1980), the precursors of the Welfare Party. In the fourth chapter, I explain the internal and external factors and the characteristics of political change in Turkey during the 1990s. In the final chapter, I present the conclusions of my analyses. In conclusion, there are three main findings according to my analyses about factors accounting for political change in Turkey; First, the change and realignment in the Turkish party system. Second, the increasing economic frustration and difficulties within the inequitable socioeconomic structure. Third, the growing external pressures of the new world order in the post Cold-War era. Consequently, the independent variables of this study are the above three factors characterized by the instability of the state that represents all the secularist power in Turkish politics, or the diminution of the state's capacity to control crises from the mid 1980s. On the other hand, the extraneous variable is the Welfare Party's remarkable shift more towards left of the center in the late 1980s under the state control over the Islam.

마이크로 렌즈 어레이와 회절격자 레지스트 패턴을 이용한 유기광원(OLED)의 광 추출 효율 향상

장지향,김경조,김진헌,오민철,Jang, Ji-Hyang,Kim, Kyung-Jo,Kim, Jin-Hun,Oh, Min-Cheol 한국광학회 2007 한국광학회지 Vol.18 No.6

OLED 소자는 유리기판과 공기 층의 경계면에서 발생하는 전반사와 ITO-유기층으로 형성되는 광도파로를 따라 진행하는 도파모드 결합으로 인해 내부에서 생성된 빛의 80% 이상이 외부로 추출되지 못하게 된다. 본 연구에서는 마이크로 렌즈 어레이와 회절격자 레지스트 층을 이용하여 소자 내부에서 손실되는 빛을 외부로 추출시킴으로써 OLED의 발광효율을 향상시킨다. 마이크로 렌즈 어레이를 이용하여 유리기판-공기 전반사로 인해 내부에 갇히는 빛을 외부로 출력시키고, ITO 와 유기물 사이에 회절격자 레지스트 층을 삽입하여 ITO-유기층 광도파로에 갇힌 빛들을 수직방향으로 추출될 수 있도록 하였다. 제작된 OLED 소자에 전류밀도 $20mA/cm^2$를 인가한 경우, 마이크로 렌즈 어레이를 적용한 OLED에서 22%의 효율 개선을 얻었고, 회절격자 레지스트 층을 가지는 OLED 의 경우 41%의 효율개선을 얻을 수 있었다. Outcoupling efficiency of the OLED device is improved by incorporating both a microlens array and a diffractive grating pattern. The microlens array improves the light transmission at the interface of glass and air, and the diffractive grating outcouples the guided mode propagating at the waveguide, which consists of ITO and organic layers. By using the PDMS soft mold imprinting method, the microlens array is fabricated on the glass substrate. The diffractive grating pattern is directly fabricated on the ITO surface by using laser interferometry. A microlens array with a diameter of $10{\mu}m$ improves the light coupling efficiency by 22%. The diffractive grating made of TSMR photoresist enhances the luminance power efficiency by 41% at a current density of $20mA/cm^2$.

편광회전 반사간섭계를 이용한 광전류센서

장지향,추우성,김훈,서준규,김경조,김준휘,오민철,Jang, Ji-Hyang,Chu, Woo-Sung,Kim, Hoon,Seo, Jun-Kyu,Kim, Kyung-Jo,Kim, Jun-Whee,Oh, Min-Cheol 한국광학회 2010 한국광학회지 Vol.21 No.4

폴리머 광도파로를 기반으로 제작된 편광유지 3-dB 방향성 광분배기, 편광기, 위상 변조기 등의 광부품들을 이용하여 편광 회전 반사 간섭계형 광섬유 전류 센서를 제작하였다. 광섬유 전류센서를 위해 필요한 상기 광부품들을 개별적으로 설계 및 제작하여 특성을 확인하였으며, 전류 측정을 위해 사용되는 광섬유 센서 코일에서 발생되는 스트레인에 의한 복굴절을 제거하기 위하여 $850^{\circ}C$의 온도에서 24시간 동안 열처리를 실시하였다. 완성된 반사 간섭계형 광섬유 전류 센서를 이용하여 전선에 흐르는 전류의 크기를 측정하는 실험을 수행하였으며 전류의 양에 비례하는 안정적인 응답 특성을 확인하였다. Fiber optic current sensors based on polarization-rotated reflection interferometry are demonstrated by incorporating them into polymeric optical waveguide components, including polarization-maintaining 3-dB couplers, TE-pass waveguide polarizers, and thermooptic phase modulators. To remove the bending induced birefringence, optical fiber coil is annealed at $850^{\circ}C$ for 24 hours. The reflection interferometry comprising polymer waveguide devices exhibit a highly stable output signal corresponding to the flowing current.

1. Calculations and Choices in Asymmetric Conflict: 2. Incentivizing Ethnic and Religious Identity in Turkey

장지향 한국세계지역학회 2012 世界地域硏究論叢 Vol.30 No.2

This work analyzes how and why protracted asymmetric conflict persists and changes. It argues that the paradigm of strategical calculations and choices provides more accurate answers to the question than the theory of symbolic group fears and myths. Ethnic and religious conflict occurs if and when parties do not possess credible information about the behavior of others. Also, likelihood of a conflict settlement depends on the probability of winning, the time estimate required to win, the cost rate of conflict, and the payoff values from winning. In fact, the recent transformations in asymmetric conflicts among the secular Kemalits, the Kurdish nationalists, and political Islamists in Turkey can be explained by the incentive-driven approaches. Due to the significant rise of pro-Islamic JDP and the sudden status change of Iraqi Kurds, the preferences of actors have been largely modified. In specific, given that the stakes of psychological conflict are not based on tangible materialistic resources and thus not dividable, the probability of settlement in identity asymmetry is higher than others. In turn, political control conflict deals with quite limited stakes and induces high competition. Thus, risk-aversion in political authority asymmetry is often enough to motivate conflict escalation.

Weak State, Weak Civil Society: The Politics of State-Society Relations in the Arab World

장지향 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2009 Journal of International and Area Studies Vol.16 No.1

Most Arab states are categorized as authoritarian state-corporatist characterized by limited legitimacy, coercive security apparatus, and inefficient administration. Despite apparent similarities with the supreme state and primordial society, Arab states also possess distinct variants. In conservative state-corporatist states including Saudi Arabia and other kinship-based monarchies, the state is weak due to the low autonomy from and high immersion into particular social groups. On the other hand, in populist state-corporatist states, such as Egypt and other single-party ruled republics, the state is weak because of the high insulation from and low responsiveness toward the broad social structure. In a similar vein, while the civil society of the former is weak owing to the highly submissive attitudes toward the state, that of the latter is weak due to the radical and militant attitudes toward the state.

Varieties of State in the International Political Economy of Developing Countries

장지향 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2010 International Area Studies Review Vol.13 No.3

This paper discusses varieties of state and their salience for prosperity by challenging the notions of decline of nation-states and demise of national diversity in international political economy. Despite the fact that increased international trade and capital movement raises the proportion of each economy exposed to world market pressures, domestic institutions have considerable resilience in the face of global constraints. State capacity and strength generally refers to an ability based on highly centralized authority to protect policy formulation and implementation apparatus from capture by particular private interests. Autonomous states do not damage public goods avoiding policy distortions which reduce total national welfare. However, this study contends that accountable engagement of state is also a crucial component of state capacity in addition to autonomous insulation. Furthermore, since the capacity level of states differs, the ability to exploit new opportunities appears much more marked in some countries than in others. Given the varieties and specificities of state, both parasitic and the Anglo-Saxon states fall into weak states. Yet, the former is because of low accountability level, whereas the latter is due to low insulation level. On the other hand, both the East Asian developmental and the Nordic states are categorized as strong states. However, the former holds higher insulation, and thus bargaining process is leaded by the interventionist state which only invites state-controlled business associations. The latter, in turn, possesses more widespread accountability, and therefore bargaining encompasses both business and labor peak organizations. The Nordic states, in fact, sustain complex but stable triangular industrial relations through institutionalized consultative mechanisms.