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      • 조선초기 再嫁規制法의 시행경위

        張炳仁 釜山敎育大學 1990 부산교육대학 논문집 Vol.26 No.1

        The elucidation of the sezual discrimination system in Choson Dynasty is not only vet important in the dimension of the women's history in itself, but also shall be great contributed to the structural recognition of inequality i Choson society. But it is impossible pursue the entity of the sezual discrimination putting in effect in those days without th accumulation of studying on the individual policy applied to that society. In this thesis, therfore, the effective progress of Jae Ga Gyu Je Beup(再嫁規制法) surveyed as the fundamental research for the purpose of exactly grasping the entity of th sexual discrimination throughout Choson Dynasty. And then through this reserch, the one si of the sexual discrimination ideology applied to the early Choson Dynasty is surveyed. In Koryo Dyansty, there was no suppression of women's remarriage, expecially prohibition of its system. But in Choson Dynasty, according to carrying out a series of polici to establish the sexual morality, which mang wives unlawfully and so on, the women's remarriag began to be controlled. This system is assumed to have the cause that Sa Dae Bu(士大夫) appeared as the new ruling class, and tried to have a means of constructing a new socie after overthrowing the old powers and to show off higher morality. Compared with the authorities' prohibiting the activities of Sil Haeng(失行) and havi many wives, the control of remarriage had been very gradual and passive by Seung Jong(宗) times. Therfore, in the case of women's Su Juel(守節),Chung Mun(旌門) was set up order to induce them to be given the praise and reward, and on the other hand, its controlli contents was only written on Ja Yue An(恣女案). It only means to some degree that the government pronounced the moral standard of its intention. When Sa Dae Bu(士大夫) society reached in good condition during Seung Joung(成宗) times, together with the campaign to realize the justofocation of Seung Lee Hak(性理學) in every part of society, Sa Ro Gyu Je Beup(仕??規制法) of Jae Ga Yue's(再嫁女) descendant was established which was compelled to demand women's Jeong Juel(貞節). This law is likely to have become the decisive moment to constitute the structure of sexual discrimination in Choson society since then.

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      • 朝鮮初期의 宗學

        張炳仁 釜山敎育大學 1985 부산교육대학 논문집 Vol.21 No.1

        Since the Koryo dynasty, the Royal family so called "Chong Chin"(宗親) has been excluded from the national formal educational system. However, the royal family's education could not be neglected during the early Choson dynasty due to the impact of confucianism and great expansion of education. Thus, Chong Hak(宗學) was established as an educational organization for the royal family in the era of Sejong(世宗) because of the drastic progress of the whole social structure. Historically ChongHak was the first educational organization only for the royal family. There was a practical purpose for Chong Hak to be established. Chong Bu Si(宗簿寺) came about as an authority exercising body over Chong Chin because of social disruption brought about by the Chong Chin, who were discontent with the condition that they were restrained from holding any governing official posts under the rule called "Chong Chin Bul Im I Sa"(宗親不任以事). The education of confucionism at Chong Hak also directly helped to maintain civil order during this event. During the Choson dynasty the education of Chong Chin was not effective, for the common scholars' belief for pursuing education was to obtain a governing post, which was limited to Chong Chin at this period. Therefore, Chong Hak was ceased under Yeon Sak Kun(燕山君) rule. Thereafter, it went through several stages, but it eventually extincted in the early 18th century.

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        조선중기 사대부의 혼례형태 - 假館親迎禮의 시행을 중심으로 -

        장병인 조선시대사학회 2008 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.45 No.-

        The administrators of the Choson dynasty tried to introduce Chinyongrye(親迎禮) in accordance with Juja-Garye(朱子家禮) from the beginning of the foundation of a country. However, since Chinyongrye was a marriage form which was based on Chinese family relationship, it was difficult to implement in Choson. Therefore, after the failure of the trial of Chinyongrye implementation during Taejong(太宗) dynasty, it was never mentioned until the Joongjong(中宗) dynasty when Salim(士林) started to discuss about it. Many Salim started to enter politics in Joongjong dynasty, documents show that Chinyongrye started to be performed in some Sadaebu(士大夫) family in that period. However, this was a temporary phenomenon and Chinyongrye disappeared with the decline of the Salim School. In the 16th century, the performance of Chinyong was again proposed with the development of thought of Confucian Rituals. A new way which kept the meaning of Chinyongjae(親迎制) without change of residence system, was sought, Gaguan-Chinyeongrye was one of that example, which was tried by Hoseo-Sarim(湖西士林) in Injo(仁祖) dynasty. Gaguan-Chinyeong permitted to lease a house Gaguan(假館) between the bride's and the groom's house to meet the bride and perform a procedure. This, which can be found in Juja-Garye in detail, was for the case when the groom's place was far from the bride's, which made difficult to perform a procedure of Chinyongrye-ceremony at groom's place at wedding day. The concrete discussion about the implementation of Gaguan- Chinyeongrye seemed to be firstly made at Song, Si-Yeol's(宋時烈) house during Injo(仁祖) dynasty. Gaguan-Chinyeongrye was performed intensively the following 50 years and the last case is shown in Sukjong(肅宗) dynasty. And this fact perhaps represents the decline of the enthusiasm for performing Gaguan-Chinyeongrye. The actual case shows that the supporting party of Gaguan-Chinyeongrye, is only arguing the principle that the systems which were made by Juja and Confucian Sages, have to be followed to recover Gorye(古禮). Moreover, Gaguan-Chinyeongrye, which had the limits concerning its ritual itself and implementation problems, was more controversial than the original Chinyeong. In conclusion, Gaguan-Chinyeongrye, which was implemented in Choson dynasty, couldn't change the marriage form of Seorubuga(壻留婦家) while adding some complicated procedures, couldn't last for a long time. 조선시대 위정자들은 건국이래 친영제를 도입하려 시도하였지만 처가거주제를 바탕으로 한 서류부가혼속의 저항으로 좌절되었다. 명종대에 이르러 주자학을 신봉하는 사대부들이 친영제의 절차와 조선 고유의 혼속인 서류부가혼의 절차를 혼용하여 새로운 혼례방식을 창안하였으니, 그것이 ‘半親迎’이었다. 그러나 반친영의 요건의 하나인 ‘明日見舅姑禮’의 시행이 현실적으로 용이하지 않아 명일현구고례를 제외한 채 ‘當日相見禮’만을 도입한 서류부가혼의 변형으로서의 ‘新俗禮’가 성립을 보게 되었다. 신속례의 성립으로 친영제를 도입하려는 사대부들의 노력이 사라지게 된 것은 아니었다. 16세기 예학의 발달과 함께 古禮의 시행이 다시 화두로 등장하게 되자 거주제를 바꾸지 않고도 친영제의 의의를 살릴 수 있는 새로운 방법을 모색하게 되었던 것이다. 인조대 이래 호서사림을 중심으로 시도되었던 ‘假館親迎禮’가 그것이다. 가관친영은 신랑과 신부집과의 거리가 멀어 신부를 맞아오는 당일에 신랑집에서 혼례를 치르기 어려울 경우를 대비해 신부집과 신랑집 사이에 민가를 빌어 館所를 설치하여(假館) 신랑이 신부를 직접 맞이하여(親迎) 예를 행하도록 한 것이다. 『주자가례』에는 관소를 신부집 근처에 설치하는 방식과 신랑집 근처에 설치하는 두가지 유형의 가관친영례가 실려있다. 그러나 정작 시행과정에서는 『주자가례』의 두 방식도 속례의 요소를 많이 수용하였을 뿐 아니라 신부집을 사위집으로 가정하고 관소에서 신부를 맞이해 신부집에서 혼례를 치르는 제3의 방식까지 창안되었다. 가관친영례 시행에 대한 구체적인 논의와 실천은 인조 22년 여름에 회덕에 있는 송시열의 집에서 그의 딸과 윤문거의 아들과의 혼인에서 최초로 이루어진 것으로 보인다. 이때의 충청 5현의 결의로 본격적으로 가관친영례가 확산될 계기가 마련되었던 것이다. 이후 50여년간 집중적으로 시행된 것으로 확인되는 가관친영례는 숙종년간 김창협의 셋째 딸의 사례를 끝으로 구체적인 시행사례를 찾아보기 어렵게 된다. 이는 단순한 사료의 일실에서 연유한 것이라기보다 가관친영례의 시행 열의가 쇠퇴했음을 반영한 것으로 생각된다. 실제 시행사례를 통해 보면 가관친영례를 주장하는 입장에서는 가관친영례를 시행해야 하는 이유로 고례를 회복하기 위해 주자를 위시한 선유들이 만든 제도를 따라야 한다는 당위론 이상의 유도 방안을 제시하지 못하고 있다. 도리어 가관친영례는 의례자체가 가진 문제점이나 시행상의 문제점 등을 태생적으로 내포하고 있어, 眞親迎보다 논란의 소지가 많았다. 즉 절차상 ‘男先於女’라는 친영 본래의 정신에 어긋나는 부분을 가진 것이나 지나친 형식주의 내지 가식성의 요소를 가진 것이 의례자체의 문제점이었다. 뿐만 아니라 관소를 마련하여 혼례를 치르는 데 따르는 행사의 번거로움․별도 비용의 필요․오랜 관행을 바꾸는 데 대한 정서적 반발 등 시행 과정에서 여러 가지 문제들이 불거져 나왔던 것이다. 결국 조선사회에서 시행된 가관친영례는 서류부가 혼속을 바꾸지도 못하면서 익숙하지 않은 번거로운 절차만을 군더더기로 첨가시킨 것으로 널리 채택되어 오래 지속되기는 어려운 혼례방식이었다고 하겠다.

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