멀티 플레이 지원 게임의 온라인 게임 전환을 위한 디자인 이슈 연구

이창신,오규환 한국컴퓨터게임학회 2011 한국컴퓨터게임학회논문지 Vol.24 No.4

피리 구음의 유형에 대하여

이창신 청주대학교 예술문화연구소 1995 淸藝論叢 Vol.9 No.-

Shmuley Boteach, Hating Women: America`s Hostile Campaign against the Fairer Sex (New York: Harper Collins, 2005), pp. 326(서평)

이창신 한국미국사학회 2006 미국사연구 Vol.23 No.-

Laurel Thatcher Ulrich, A Midwife`s Tale: The Life of Martha Ballard, Based on Her Diary, 1785-1812 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1990), 윤길순 옮김, 『산파일기』 (서울: 도서출판 동녘, 2008), pp.491 (서평)

이창신 한국미국사학회 2008 미국사연구 Vol.27 No.-

永同 雪溪里 農謠 硏究

이창신 청주대학교 예술문화연구소 2001 淸藝論叢 Vol.19 No.-

해금 독주곡 현도(絃鼗)의 분석연구

이창신 청주대학교 학술연구소 2011 淸大學術論集 Vol.17 No.-

It is a analysis of note, rhythm, beat about <Hyundo> - a solo of Haegum - composed by Jeon Inpyung in 1985. <Hyundo> can be divided up into 6 part. It consists of Largo(♩=50), andante tempo rubato(♩=80), jungjungmori (󰁜=100), jajinmori style (󰁜=140), liltingly (more then ♩=140), whimori (presto). They are similar pattern to Sanjo rhythm. 1st part composed of 1 bar, include 87 quarter notes (87/4). Its melody has free rhythm and is made of a little long time tones. By 6 time tone, it can be divided into 5 sections as ‘A→B→A1→C→A2’. The 3 sections ‘A, B, C’ have in common in latter part melody. That is, there are similarity among sections of 4 degree progress, 6 time tone at the end, and 2 time rest. The tones used in this part are ‘g'-a'-b'-d"-e"’ and ‘d’ is 黃, so the scale is ‘d’(黃) -'e'(太) -'g'(仲) -'a'(林) -'b'(南). The fingering for playing Haegum in this part is putting forefinger for ‘d"’ in youhyun. In playing Janggu, there are quarter notes in succession played by player's left hand, they are not traditional rhythm but modern style. 2nd part constructed with 12 bars and the beats change as 4/4, 6/4, 4/4, 6/4, 4/4, 5/4, 6/4, 5/4, 7/4. According to the rhythm this part can be divided into 3 sections, the rhythm of each section can be simplified as 'long time tone(A) + short time tone + long time tone(B)'. The tones used in this part are ‘d'-e'-g'-a'-b'’, and ‘d’ is 黃, so the scale is ‘d’(黃) -'e'(太) -'g'(仲) -'a'(林) -'b'(南). This scale is pyungjo(平調) in traditional music. 3rd part is formed with 1st-8th bars in ‘b'b’major, 9th-43th bars(󰁜=100) in ‘g'’major, and 44th-54th bars(󰁜=40) in ‘g'’major. The melody of 3rd part is organized with 14 units, the units can be simplified 6 patterns. 6 patterns can be classified into 3 pieces as 'A(pattern 1,2,3) - B(pattern 4) - A'(pattern 5,6)'. Janggu rhythm in 3rd part is made of 11 units, classified into 3 patterns. 3rd part can be divided up into 3 pieces by tonality and tempo, so the tones used in each piece are different one another. In playing there are 5 different kinds of fingering. Player sets forefinger for 'g', d" or g"'in youhyun.

악의 개념과 젠더정치 : 17 세기 뉴잉글랜드 지방의 마녀사냥 A History of Witch - Hunting in the 17th Century New England

이창신 한국미국사학회 2001 미국사연구 Vol.13 No.-

The primary purpose of this study is to examine the history of witchcraft and witch-hunting in the seventeenth-century New England region. It is particularly focusing on the relationships between the gender and witch-hunting. The courts in Massachusetts, Connecticut and New Haven ordered the execution of fifteen people between 1648 and 1663. When the hysteria at Salem came to an end, almost two hundred people had been named as witches in that massive outpouring of suspicion and self-doubt. Though the Salem witch trials were a turning point, village people continued to accuse their neighbors of witchcraft until the early in eighteen century. After the Salem outbreak, however, witchcraft beliefs and prosecutions were no longer sanctioned in the larger culture. The prosecution of women as witches occurred in a society in which men exercised substantial authority-legal, political, ideological and economic-over women. While some New England women shared in the material benefits and social status of their fathers, husbands and even sons, most women were economically dependent on the male members of their families throughout their lives. The people who were healers and midwives in the seventeenth-century New England seem to have been especially vulnerable to the accusation of witchcraft. The ability to heal or tell fortunes was morally ambiguous. The power to heal also could be the power to do harm. The vulnerability of women also stemmed in part attitudes about women's sexuality and their role as mothers. Whatever the relevant factors, the response of the colonists in the seventeenth-century New England, like the response of Europeans in general, was to assume that women were peculiarly drawn to witchcraft and the devil. Acceding to the legal system, witchcraft was defined as a crime on the basis of the devil's compact. The old fear of female sexual power had not disappeared. Indeed, the increasing emphasis on women's lack of sexual power was simply a new way diminishing it, part of a larger eighteen-century reconstruction of womanhood. Woman-as-evil had gradually taken on not a single but a dual shape-one formed by race, the other by class. By the nineteen century, black and poor white women were viewed as embodying many of the characteristics of the witch: they were increasingly portrayed as seductive, sexually uncontrolled, and threatening to the social and moral order. Accusations of Devil worship were sometimes viewed as Cod's way of punishing women for illicit sexual behavior. New Englanders associated witchcraft not just with sexual fantasy, fornication, and adultery, but also with bearing illegitimate children, with abortion, and with infanticide-sins attributed to women almost exclusively. Witch-hunting was an ever present reality in the seventeenth-century New England. Though some men were executed as witches during the period of witch hunting, most of those who died in the name of witchcraft were women. The gender politics of witch-hunting is strikingly evident in cases that occurred in New Errand region. The history of the witch hunting provide the ideas about women, with fears about women, with the place of women in society, and with women themselves. The witch-hunting was the systematic violence against women.

경제 대공황기 젠더체계와 미국여성 : 여성 고용정책과 정치 네트워크 형성을 중심으로 The Employment Policy and Women`s Political Network

이창신 한국미국사학회 2003 미국사연구 Vol.17 No.-

The depression decade of the 1930s continues to fascinate successive generations of Americans. For historians, the peiod provides an opportunity to analyze the collective response of American society to the social and economic trauma of the Great Depression, and to trace the depression's impact on individuals and institutions. Practically every aspect of the New Deal has been studied extensively-economic policy, agriculture, labor, foreign affairs, politics, relief and social security. Yet there is a significant gap in our Knowledge of the New Deal. In the conventional histories of the period, women are hardly mentioned. This omission is misleading, because the New Deal offered greatly expanded roles for women's networks brought to light by the recent interest in women's history. Why a network developed among this remarkable group of women in public life, how their network influenced politics and social welfare initiatives in the 1930s, and how these develpments related to the broader context of the New Deal are the major themes of this study. The New Deal brought to Washington a remarkable group of women who would rise to positions of power and prominence in many of the new government agencies. Eleanor Roosevelt was the foremost member of the women's network in the 1930s. Her institutional role as First Lady, her willingness to use her public position to push for reforms, and her ability to inspire loyalty in friends and colleagues placed her at the center of this growing New Deal political sisterhood. It is difficult to imagine the progress that occured for women in the 1930s without Eleanor Roosevelt in the White House. As a goup these women had much in common. The similarities of their backgrounds and career patterns formed the basis for shared attitudes toward feminism, social reform, and the role of government. Many of these women had known each other from social welfare and reform activities during the Progressive period and the woman suffrage campaign. The interaction of these women, on both the personal and the professional level, led to what can be described as a "network" of women within the New Deal. This network among women in politics and government in the 1930s became an important force in enlarging women's influence in the New Deal. women made important contributions to the planning and administration of the New Deal's social welfare programs. 1930s have been described as a bleak period for women. Because of the absence of an organized women's movement in the decade, historians have often skipped straight from the winning of suffrage in 1920 to the revival of feminism in the 1960s. The decade of the 1930s rarely receives more than a passing glance. The few general descriptions of women's experiences during the period usually concentrate on job discrimination against women workers during the depression. As women's participation in the New Deal suggests, old attitudes about the lack of feminist activity in the 1930s also require reconsideration. The outstanding characteristic of women's participation in the New Deal was the development of a 'network' of friendship and cooperation among the women, which maximized their influence in politics and government. The political network, which had its roots in generation's common experiences in the political and social welfare activities in the 1920s, flourished within the experimental climate of the New Deal. No longer can the New Deal be protrayed as strictly a male affair.

미국 산업화 과정에 나타난 여성 노동의식의 성장과 참정권 운동

이창신 한국아메리카학회 2020 美國學論集 Vol.52 No.1

The primary purpose of this study is to explore the growth of female labor unionism and women’s suffrage movement in American history. In so doing, this paper attempts to examine the experiences of the factory girls in New England, where the industrial revolution took place. The period of 1800-1850 was one in which decisive changes occurred in the status of American women. The middle class women could use their newly gained time for leisure pursuits. The working class women, on the other hand, experienced the economic opportunities as well as economic hardships. The solidarity among factory girls contributed to the growth of the female labor unionism. When their wages were cut and work hours lengthened, factory girls came together in opposition the owners, and staged some of the earliest industrial strikes in American history. They became the first self-conscious laborers in America. Along the way, working women realized that the vote was the best way to gain more political power for their causes.

미국 여성과 여성사 : 성, 젠더, 그리고 차이의 역사학 The History of Sex, Gender, and Differences

이창신 한국미국사학회 1999 미국사연구 Vol.10 No.-

Inspired initially by the social movements of the 1960s and the 1970s, some American historians redefined the very nature of historical study. The rise of social history has shifted the focus to ordinary people, including women and minorities. Social historians examine all kinds of sources, including city directories and house-by-house censuses, in order to construct a meaningful past for groups who could not speak for themselves. Social historians argue that we cannot develop a comprehensive vision of history unless we study the lives of ordinary people. The second wave of American women's movement in the 1960s revealed the neglect of the historical activities of women. Influenced by the women's movement, important fields of women's studies developed not only in history but also in education, sociology, philosophy, and political science. History, however, was the outstanding field. Hundreds of universities offered women's history courses and many women's historians specialized their fields. Women's history often addressed daily-life experience such as sex, courtship, childbirth, and child rearing. Women's history scholarship has also changed many other areas of history. It does not simply add women to the pictures we already have the past but repainting the pictures in many ways. The primary purpose of this study is to examine the historiography of the American women's history. In so doing, this study discusses retrospect and prospect. Even though the American women's history became a specialized field in the 1970s, there have been many historical writings about women since the 19th century. For instance, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony energetically collected evidence of the women's movement of their own time. They published six large volumes, entitled $quot;History of Woman Suffrage.$quot; In 1933, Mary Beard edited a documentary collection, $quot;American Through Women's Eyes.$quot; She argued that an accurate understanding of the past required that women's experience be analyzed with as much as historians normally devoted to the experience of men. She wrote a half century ago $quot;woman has always been acting and thinking at the center of life.$quot; The explanation about American women's historiography in this study was mainly based on the Gerda Lerner's viewpoint. However, it also included various studies. Historian Gerda Lerner suggested that the writing of women's history can be arranged in four stages of development. The first stage she called $quot;compensatory history,$quot; in which the historian attempt to identify women and their activities. In the decade of the 1970s, some historians began to search for women whose work and experiences deserved to be more widely known. The next level was $quot;contribution history,$quot; in which historians described women's contribution to topics, issues, and themes that have already been determined to be important. The work of contributory history was very important in connecting women to major movements in the past such as Hull House movement and Lowell Factory labor movement. Julia C. Spruill wrote important books that established women's participation in and contribution to significant developments in American history about the urbanization and industralization. The third stage of women's history was developed in the 1970s and the early 1980s. In this stage, historians attempted to rewrite the historical narrative. Final stage initiated in the late of 1980s, many historians introduced the concept of the $quot;Gender$quot; to interpret the women's history. Historians increasingly asked questions about how people constructed meaning for their historical experience, and how difference between the sexes operated to shape the construction of meaning. Women's history also suggested a more complex understanding of traditional categories of historical interpretation. As a major historian, Joan Scott analysed that gender itself is a social construction and history has to understand within the relation of the power. The historical experience of the two sexes, for all its similarities, was in many important ways profoundly different. Differences among women are also multiple. Differences of culture, nationality and historical memory are exacerbated by distinctions of race, class, ethnicity, and sexual preference. Gender differences in life cycles and family experiences have been a central factor in that divergence. Because that meaning varies over time and among cultures, gender differences are both socially constructed and subject to change. Sexuality is also socially constructed. Women's historians regarded the sexual and emotional impulses as part of a continuum or spectrum. Understanding the difference between sex and gender provides a key to understanding the differences in men's and women's historical experience. In 1990s many women's historians insisted that gender was embedded not only in economic relations but in sexuality as well. They still argue that economic, political, and cultural forces interact and reinforce each other in ways that benefit one group and disadvantage the other.