雨宮昭一 著, 『점령과 개혁 (占領と改革)』 : (岩波新書シリーズ近現代史7, 2008年)

유지아 일본사학회 2011 일본역사연구 Vol.34 No.-

탈냉전 시기, 일본의 안보법제 강화 과정

유지아 효원사학회 2023 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.64

This study examined how Japan's security policy changed during the Heisei era, focusing on the catastrophe related to the security crisis. Therefore, Heisei was divided into three periods and analyzed. The first period was the Gulf War in 1991, when Japan made it possible for the Self-Defense Forces to dispatch troops abroad through the PKO Cooperation Act. The second period was the 9/11 terrorist period in 2001, and Japan made it possible to launch a preemptive attack if Japan judges that it is in a crisis through the Peripheral State Act and the National Emergency Act in case of emergency. The third period was the 311 Great East Japan Earthquake in 2011, and Japan enacted the National Security Act to enable the mobilization of Japanese citizens and property to the state in times of crisis. As such, the 30 years of Heisei have revised its security policy in the face of a major crisis every 10 years. After the defeat, despite the establishment of a peace constitution, Japan took advantage of the U.S. shift in occupation policy toward Japan and attempted to re-armament. In particular, when the Korean War broke out, the U.S. strongly demanded Japan to rearm. As a result, Japan created a police reserve force, renamed it the Security Force after the San Francisco Peace Treaty, and now it is the Self-Defense Forces. In this process, the Japanese government has attempted a so-called 'translation constitutional amendment' while changing the interpretation of Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution. This violates the principle of Article 9 of the Constitution to abandon war, and means a transition to a state that can fight again. In the Heisei era, security-related laws were enacted, enabling the hollowing out of the peace constitution as well as the dispatch of the Self-Defense Forces abroad. Therefore, in the current Reiwa era, attention should be paid to what changes Japan's security policy will be made due to the US-China war and the Ukraine war.

오키나와의 ‘독자적인 평화인식’과 동북아 평화공생

유지아 한일관계사학회 2024 한일관계사연구 Vol.83 No.-

본 연구는 류큐처분과 오키나와 전투를 통해 맹아한 오키나와의 독자적인 평화 인식을 고찰하였다. 특히 오키나와 평화공원에 조성된 ‘평화의 초석’에 나타난 오키나와 평화인식과 현재까지도 거론되고 있는 ‘오키나와 독립문제’의 역사성을 검토하였다. 오키나와는 냉전 종식 후 한반도 위기, 대만해협 위기에 대처하는 데 있어서 요충지로 지목되고 있다. 또한 최근에는 남중국해와 동중국해에서 공세로 나오는 중국 해군에 대처하는 데 요충지로 간주되어 오키나와의 전략적 중요성이 확대되고 있다. 그러나 오키나와는 류큐처분으로 인한 일본의 내부 식민지, 오키나와 전투, 그리고 미군 점령기를 거쳐 현재까지 150여 년 동안 차별을 받았다. 이러한 역사를 배경으로 오키나와인들은 일본인들과 차별화된 ‘독자적인 평화인식’을 가지게 되었다. 첫째가 오키나와 기지반환과 독립의지에 나타난 휴머니즘이며, 둘째는 ‘평화의 초석’에 나타난 반전사상이다. 이처럼 오키나와 현민들은 오키나와의 자주권이나 자기결정권 획득, 군사기지가 아닌 평화요구 등을 통해 독립적인 의지를 표명하고 있다. 그럼에도 불구하고 오키나와인들이 잊지 말아야 할 과제가 남아있다. 오키나와가 내부 식민지적 환경에서 차별을 받았다 하더라고, 그들 또한 식민지 국가에 대해서는 ‘제국인’이었다는 사실이다. 따라서 ‘평화의 초석’에 깃든 미군 철수와 냉전의 문제를 극복하는 방식에 ‘반전과 평화’뿐만 아니라, 현재까지도 동북아의 화합을 저해하는 ‘제국과 식민’의 문제를 어떻게 해결해 나갈 것인가에 대해 더욱 고민해야 할 것이다. This study examined Okinawa's independent perception of peace. In particular, the perception of peace in Okinawa's "Heiwa no ishiji" and the "will for independence of Okinawa" in Okinawa's historicity were reviewed. Okinawa has been pointed out as an important point in dealing with the Korean Peninsula crisis and the Taiwan Strait crisis since the end of the Cold War. In addition, Okinawa's strategic importance is expanding as it has recently been regarded as a key point in dealing with the Chinese navy that is on the offensive in the South China Sea and East China Sea. However, Okinawa has been discriminated against by Japan for more than 150 years from Japan's internal colonies due to the Ryukyu disposition, the Okinawa War during the Asia-Pacific War, and Japan's 'return' during the US occupation. Against this background of history, the Okinawa people have an 'independent perception of peace' differentiated from the Japanese. The first is the humanism that appeared in the return of the Okinawa base and the will to independence, and the second is the anti-war ideology that appeared in the 'Heiwa no ishiji'. As such, Okinawa residents are expressing their independent will through Okinawa's sovereignty, self-determination, and peace demands rather than military bases. Nevertheless, Okinawa has its own perception of peace and a task that should not be forgotten. It is the fact that Okinawa was discriminated against in its internal colonial environment, but they were also 'imperial people' to the colonial state. Therefore, it is necessary to think more about how to solve the problem of 'imperial and colonial' that hinders harmony in Northeast Asia, as well as 'reversal and peace'.

안보위기 인식에 따른 일본 국방전략의 역사적 고찰

유지아 동아시아일본학회 2023 일본문화연구 Vol.- No.86

This study reviewed Japan's security strategy through recognizing the security crisis in Northeast Asia after modern times in order to consider the national security strategy decided by Japan on December 16, 2022. By comparing the profit line during the Meiji period, discussions on rearmament after defeat, and the decision process of the national security strategy for 2022, Japan's response to security crises was analyzed and its impact on peace in Northeast Asia was considered. Recently, Japan recognizes that it is currently facing 'the most difficult and complex security environment after the war' due to Russia's invasion of Ukraine, China's pursuit of national interests, and the escalating threat from North Korea. And, in the National Security Strategy, Japan decided to have a 'counterattack capability' that can attack enemy missile bases when Japan is invaded, and to increase defense spending to more than 2% of GDP five years later. This active security policy existed even during the Meiji period. By applying the ‘sovereign line’ meaning the Japanese mainland and the ‘profit line’ to ensure its safety, the ‘profit line’ was expanded from Joseon to Manchuria and East Asia, and was used as a logic for territorial expansion during the Asia-Pacific War. However, in the midst of intensifying confrontation, a threatening strategy change for the sake of national security could lead to a new escalation of confrontation. Russia's invasion of Ukraine, which brought about the end of the post-Cold War era, is demanding another security value. At this point, Japan's aggressive security strategy can be perceived as another threat to the security of Northeast Asia, so we need to be more cautious.

중일전쟁 준비를 위한 일본의 만주지역 치안숙정과 군비강화

유지아 일본사학회 2023 일본역사연구 Vol.62 No.-

1933년의 탕구정전협정으로 중일간에 군사적인 충돌이 줄었들었으나, 일본은 1935년부터 화베이분리공작을 기점으로 중국에 대한 침략을 재개하여 중일간의 긴장상태는 다시 극에 달하게 되었다. 이에 일본은 만주국에 대한 치안과 군비를 강화하여 중국과의 전쟁에 대비하고자 했다. 1936년 후반으로 갈수록 중일 관계가 급속하게 악화되고, 중일전쟁 발발 직전인 1937년 6월에는 중국 동북지역에서 일본 관동군과 소련군이 충돌하기에 이르렀다. 이에 일본은 중국 동북지역의 군사개편을 실시하였으며, 만주국군에 대한 개혁도 군경중앙기구의 통합을 중심으로 이루어졌다. 또한 1936년 후반에 일본은 만주국의 군비를 정비하는데 많은 예산을 들여 만주국군들의 무기 보유 상황은 이전보다 배 이상으로 향상되었다. 뿐만 아니라 일본은 1936년을 전후로 총력전에 대응하기 위한 만주국의 치안숙정을 단행했다. 주요한 내용은 만주군과 외무성경찰의 치안숙정계획을 근간으로 하고 있다. 특히 이 치안숙정 안에는 사상공작을 포함하고 있어서 국민생활의 원리를 진작하면서 생활에서 자국주의의 우수성을 인식하고 내성적인 비판에 근거한 기본사상전을 추진했다. 이와 함께 전시사상전을 진행하여 전쟁 전의 급박한 환경에서 사상적 총동원체제를 강화하고자 했다. 이처럼 일본은 이미 1936년 중반을 넘어서면서 중국과의 전면전을 위해 만주국에 대한 치안과 군비를 강화하고 있었으며, 이러한 준비가 있었기 때문에 루거우차오사건이 발생했을 때 선전포고 없는 전쟁을 시작할 수 있었다. The 1933 Tanggu Armistice Agreement reduced military conflict between China and Japan. However, Japan resumed its invasion of China in 1935 with the separation of Hebei. As a result, tension between China and Japan reached its peak again. Accordingly, Japan tried to prepare for a war with China by strengthening security and arms against Manchuria. In particular, China–China relations deteriorated rapidly toward the end of 1936. And in June 1937, just before the outbreak of the Sino–Japanese War, Japanese Kwandong Army and Soviet Army clashed in northeastern China. Since then, Japan has carried out a military reorganization in northeastern China and also carried out reforms to the Manchurian Army. The reform was mainly centered on the integration of the military and police central organization. In addition, in the late 1936, Japan spent a lot of money to reorganize the armaments of Manchuria, and the weapons possession situation of Manchurian troops more than doubled compared to before. In addition, since 1936, Japan has conducted a security settlement in Manchuria to respond to the all–out war. The main contents are based on the security plan of the Manchurian army and the Foreign Ministry police. In particular, this security policy includes ideological work, which promoted a basic ideological exhibition that recognizes the excellence of nationalism in life while promoting the principles of people's lives. At the same time, an exhibition of wartime thought was held to strengthen the ideological general mobilization system in the urgent environment before the war. As such, Japan has already been strengthening security and arms against Manchuria as a preparatory step for invading China since the middle of 1936. Because of this preparation, it was possible to start a war without a declaration of war when the Lugouqiao incident occurred.

부모행동이 청소년의 심리ㆍ행동문제와 학교적응에 미치는 영향

유지아,김영희 미래를 여는 청소년학회 2015 미래청소년학회지 Vol.12 No.4

The purpose of this study was to investigate effects of parental behavior on adolescents' psychological & behavioral problem, and school adjustment. Subjects of this study consisted of 772 middle school students drawn from 12 middle schools in Chungbuk, Chungnam, Gyeonggi, Gangwon, Gyeongnam, and Daejeon city. Data were analyzed by SPSS 18.0 program and the test of model was done with analysis of correlation matrix in AMOS 18.0 program using a path analysis. The results of this study were as follows: First, father's affectional and monitoring behavior had direct effects on school adjustment of male students whereas mother's affectional and monitoring behavior influenced directly on school adjustment of female students. More especially, father's affectional and abuse behavior had direct effects on psychological problem of male students while father's affectional and monitoring behavior, and mother's abuse behavior had direct effects on psychological problem of female students. Second, psychological problem had a direct effect on behavioral problem of both male and female students. In addition to, psychological problem did not have direct effect on school adjustment of male students whereas psychological problem did have a direct effect on school adjustment of female students. Also, behavioral problem had a direct on school adjustment of both male and female students. Furthermore, psychological and behavior problem had a mediate between parental behavior and school adjustment of adolescents. In conclusion, this study showed the effects of parental behavior of adolescents' psychological & behavioral problem, and school adjustment. The result showed there was significant difference in parents' effect on their adolescents according to gender.

전후 일본의 안보체제와 집단적 자위권 -안보조약과 신안보조약을 중심으로-

유지아 동국대학교 일본학연구소 2014 일본학 Vol.39 No.-

This paper examines under the point of view that Japan’s military actions and right to collective self-defense have been realized through Security Treaty of 1951 and New Security Treaty of 1960. San francisco Peace Treaty and Security Treaty of 1951 acknowledged “inherent right to individual and collective self-defense” at that time. Nevertheless, Japan took a position that it was impossible for Japan to exercise the right of self-defense according to the clause of Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution that Japan discarded possession of military power and the right of belligerency. In the end, Japan’s security issue has been left in an ambiguity by showing the action of suspension for Japan’s right to self-defense as well as rearmament because Peace treaty to Japan was the negotiation between Japan’s early peace settlement and the US’ troops stationing. After signing U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, both nations, the U.S. and Japan, desired to realize “collective defense actions” in an administrative agrement which was an implementation agreement of safeguards agreement related to the issue of taking collective military actions of both nations for emergency. However, Japan’s position of the right of collective self-defense maintained the position in which Japan did not exercise practically the right by restriction of Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution, although Peace treaty to Japan and U.S.-Japan Security Treaty recognized Japan’s right of collective self-defense. The full text of New security treaty defines stationing of the U.S. military troops for the right of individual and collective self-defense without the provision of premises. Furthermore, it contains Article 3 which maintains and develops the ability of each nation resisting to armed attacks and Article 5, the clause for the right of collective self-defense which could support the U.S. military troops that does not station in Japan domestic. Accordingly, the issue relating to exercise the right of collective self-defense became the matter of discussion limited to overseas dispatch of self-defense forces and Kishi did not bring in overseas activities of self-defense forces at the time. As suggested above Japan has been the position that it could not exercise the right of collective self-defense due to the restriction of Japanese Constitution, although Japan possesses precisely the right of collective self-defense thorough Peace treaty to Japan, Security Treaty, and New Security Treaty. Nevertheless, Japan currently exercises overseas dispatch through enacting the separate law related to the status and activities of self-defense forces. Now, the issue of exercising of collective self-defense that is being promoted by Abe’s administration can be said as the action to reconcile the Japan Constitution and the issue of exercising of the right of collective self-defense and as a result, is closely related to constitutional amendment of Japan. 본고는 일본의 군사적 행동과 집단적 자위권은 1951년의 안보조약과 1960년 신안보조약 개정으로 인해 점진적으로 현실화해나갔다는 관점에서 살펴보았다. 1951년 샌프란시스코 강화조약과 안보조약 당시 이미 “개별적 및 집단적 자위의 고유한 권한”을 가지고 있음을 인정하고 있다. 그러나 일본은 헌법제9조에 일본은 군력보유와 교전권을 방기한다는 조항에 의해 집단적 자위권의 행사는 불가능하다는 입장을 취하였다. 결국 대일강화조약은 일본의 조기강화와 미국의 군대주둔이라는 목적이 확실하게 이루어지는 교섭이었기 때문에 일본의 재군비를 비롯한 이러한 자위권에 대한 부분도 보류하는 모습을 모임으로써 이후 일본의 안보문제를 애매한 상태에 놓이게 한 것이다. 미일안보조약 체결 후 유사시에 미일양국이 군사적으로 어떠한 공동행동을 취할 것인가 하는 문제에 대해 안전보장협정의 실시협정인 행정협정에서 ‘집단방위조치’로 실현하고자 하였다. 그러나 집단적 자위권에 대한 입장은 대일강화조약과 미일안보조약 당시에 취했던 입장, 즉 집단전 자위권을 보유하고 있다는 것을 명확하게 인정은 하지만 헌법제9조의 제약에 의해 현실적으로 행사할 수 있는 상태는 아니라는 입장을 유지하고 있다. 신안보조약에서는 전문에 개별적 및 집단적 자위권에 대해 미국군대의 주둔이라는 전제조항 없이 서술하고 있으며, 무력공격에 저항하는 각각의 능력을 헌법상의 규정에 따르는 조건으로 유지하고 발전시킨다는 제3조와 일본국내가 아닌 지역에도 미군을 지원할 수 있다는 집단적 자위권 항목인 제5조를 담고 있다. 따라서 집단적 자위권 행사에 관한 문제는 자위대를 해외에 파병할 경우에 한해서 논의해야 할 사안이 되었으며, 기시는 당시에 자위대의 해외활동 그 자체를 상정하지 않고 있다. 이와 같이 대일강화조약부터 안보조약, 신안보조약을 거쳐 일본은 집단적 자위권에 대해서늠 명확하게 보유하고 있음을 인정하지만 헌법상의 제약으로 인하여 행사할 수 없다는 입장을 취해왔다. 반면, 자위대의 위상과 활동에 대해서는 별도의 법을 만들어 해외파병까지 실현하고 있는 상황이다. 현재 아베정권이 추진하고 있는 집단적 자위권 행사문제는 헌법과 자위대의 행동을 일치시켜려는 조치라고 할 수 있으며, 따라서 집단적 자위권 행사 문제는 개헌과도 밀접한 관련이 있다고 할 수 있다.

만주사변 후, 일본의 만주국군 창설과 역할 변화 -만주국군 지도요령을 중심으로-

유지아 동국대학교 일본학연구소 2019 일본학 Vol.48 No.-

Manchukuo Imperial Army was established with the rise of Manchukuo and its characteristic was more likely of police rather than the military. At first, they deployed to the conflict held by the AntiManchu resistances. However, operation was unsuccessful because of their local and family hospitalities. This makes themselves supportive position and depend on Kwantung Army’s order and confirm. When Manchu region experienced the change of JapanSoviet relations, Japan reformed Manchukuo Imperial Army so its purpose was changed. After Manchurian Incident, Soviet focused on their 5years economic development plan. Thus they tried to avoid military conflict and used dual strategy toward China and Japan. On the other hand, Japan focused on the Soviet’s reaction and tried to stabilize the ManchuSoviet relationship for the state confirmation of Manchukuo, rather than paying attention towards United Kingdom(UK) or United States(US). At the military perspective, Japan and Soviet tried to avoid direct conflict with each other and kept their neutrality. However, after Second SinoJapanese War, Soviet changed their agenda which stated that they will ignore JapanChina conflict. As a result, In August 21th 1937, China and Soviet agreed the Nonaggression pact and Japan reformed the Manchukuo Imperial Army to prepare direct conflict with Soviet, rather than deploying dual strategy. Since then, Japan completed the innerpurge for political safety and stated the law for the separation of military and police as a part of reformation of Manchukuo Imperial Army. Also they established the system for military course. Fundamental ideology of Manchukuo was based on coexistence and solebody that stated by divinity and Imperial Japan offers a tutorship for the rise of the independent kingdom of Manchukuo. That said, Japanese Imperial Army and Manchukuo Imperial Army are the one being. These courses influenced Manchukuo Imperial Army to change its characteristic based on JapanChina, JapanSoviet and ManchuSoviet relationships which ultimately led themselves transfer into imperialism of Japan. 만주국과 함께 건국한 만주국군은 국방군이 아니라 경찰적 성격을 가진 군대로 주로 만주지역에서 빈번하게 일어나는 반만항일투쟁 세력과의 싸움에 동원되었다. 그러나 만주국군 안에서도 혈연적, 지역적 감정에 의해 토벌을 성공적으로 수행하지 못하자, 독자적인 위치를 차지하지 못하고 관동군의 명령과 승인을 받아야 하는 보조적 위치에 머물러 있었다. 그러나 만주지역에서 소련과의 관계에 변화가 생기자 일본은 만주국군의 정군을 단행하면서 만주국군의 역할에 변화가 생기게 되었다. 만주사변 후, 소련은 경제개발 5개년 계획에 집중하고 있었기 때문에 극동지역에서의 충돌을 피하면서 중일 양국에 대한 이원화 정책을 펴고 있었다. 반면, 일본은 만주국 승인 문제에서 영국과 미국의 눈치보다는 소련의 대응에 주목하면서 외교적으로 소련이 만주국을 승인하도록 만주와 소련관계를 호전시키려고 노력하였다. 뿐만 아니라 군사적으로는 소련과의 직접적인 충돌을 피하면서 서로의 상태를 관망하는 상황이었다. 그러나 전면적인 중일전쟁이 발발하자, 소련은 일중양국의 분쟁에 관여하지 않겠다는 자세를 변경했던 것이다. 그 결과 중국과 소련은 1937년 8월 21일에 중소불가침조약을 맺었고, 이로써 일본은 소련에 대한 양면 정책보다는 만주국군을 개편하여 소련과의 직접적인 충돌에 대비하고자 하였다. 이후 일본은 점차 만주국군을 정비하기 위하여 국내치안숙정 작업을 완성하고 국병법을 시행하여 만주국의 국군과 경찰을 분리했다. 또한 이 목적을 위하여 만주국군 지도를 위한 체계를 갖추어 나갔다. 그리고 사상적으로는 왕도의 만주국은 신의 뜻에 따라 황도 일본이 건설・지도하고 있는 독립국으로 양국은 공존공영일체라는 원칙을 세운다. 이는 결국 왕도와 황도가 일치하기 때문에 일본군대와 만주국군은 일체라는 논리로 발전한다. 이러한 과정을 거쳐 만주국군은 창군이래, 일중관계, 일소관계, 만소관계에 따라 역할이 변화하면서 일본의 황민화체제 안으로 편입되었다.

우키타 가즈타미(浮田和民)의 애기/애타 해석과 윤리적 제국주의론

유지아 한국니체학회 2022 니체연구 Vol.41 No.-

This paper examines the influence of German ‘individualism’ accepted during the formation of Japan’s ‘national state’ on modern Japanese intellectuals. Discussion on ‘individualism’ in Japan was fiercely conducted with the introduction of Nietzsche’s philosophy in the late 19th century. At that time, Japan embraced Western ethics, and discussions surrounding the ‘progress of morality’ were actively developed. This is because in the period of imperialism that rapidly spread after Japan won the Sino-Japanese War, morality was a major task for Japanese thinkers. Among them, Kazutami Ukita was a figure who led the theory of imperialism in Japan from the late 1890s to the early 1900s. He evaluated Hobbes and Nietzsche’s selfishness and Fichte’s and Schopenhauer’s altruism as extreme moral theories. He emphasized that the basis of morality lies in the moderate, unbiased on either side. In addition, Ukita defined imperialism as a state that not only can achieve the independence of a country, but also seeks to participate in world civilization and politics. Thus, imperialism is defined as not necessarily having an aggression connotation. He said that imperialism could be harmonious with socialism if it emphasized ethics. And he argues that in the 20th century, nation-states should practice ‘imperialism on the outside, socialism on the inside’. This perception influenced the duality of Taisho Demonstration. The duality of the Taisho Demonstration is to demand Asian hegemony from the outside while developing a people’s movement claiming the rights of the people inside. Therefore, even if Ukita's ethical imperialism denied feudal aggression, it would not be possible to avoid the evaluation that it contributed to Japan’s war logic. In this way, since the late Meiji period, Japanese society has developed various discussions in the process of accepting Western moral concepts. Among them, Ukita showed different characteristics from the existing imperialists, but ideological change occurred when Japan started the war. Could this ideological shift and transfer of intellectuals be the cause of Japan’s ‘Nevertheless progress to war’? When the Sino-Japanese War broke out, the Japanese government published The Inheritance of the National Government to teach that individuals should be subordinated to the state for peace. As a result, the Japanese people became a means of carrying out war in accordance with the national policy and ideology. 본고는 메이지 후기에서 다이쇼 초기의 ‘국민국가’ 형성기에 일본에 들어온 독일사상, 그 가운데에서도 ‘개인주의’가 근대일본의 지식인에게 미친 영향을 중 심으로 고찰하였다. 일본에서 ‘개인주의’에 대한 논의는 19세기 후반에 니체철학 을 소개하면서 치열하게 진행되었다. 당시 일본에서는 서구윤리학의 조류를 흡 수하면서 ‘도덕의 진보’를 둘러싼 논의가 활발하게 전개되었다. 청일전쟁에서 승 리하면서 급격히 확산되어 가는 제국주의 발흥기에 도덕은 일본 사상가들에게 중대한 과제였기 때문이다. 그 가운데 우키타 가즈타미는 1890년대 후반부터 1900년대 초기까지 일본의 제국주의론을 이끌었던 인물이다. 그는 영국의 홉스, 독일의 니체 등이 기초는 삼는 애기와 독일의 피히테, 쇼펜하우어를 기초로 삼 는 애타에 대해, 모두 극단적으로 달리는 도덕론이라고 평가하면서 어느 한 쪽 으로도 치우침이 없는 중용 안에 도덕의 기초가 존재한다고 강조했다. 또한 우키타는 제국주의가 일국의 독립을 완수할 수 있을 뿐 아니라, 나아가 세계의 문명 및 정치에 참여하고자 하는 주의라고 규정하면서 반드시 침략적 의 미를 가지는 것은 아니라고 정의한다. 그는 제국주의가 윤리성을 강조한다면 사 회주의와도 조화를 이룰 수 있다고 말하며, 20세기에는 ‘밖으로는 제국주의, 안 으로는 사회주의’를 해야 한다고 주장한다. 이러한 인식은 이후에 유행한 다이쇼 데모크러시에 나타난 대내적으로는 국민의 권리를 주장하는 민중운동을 전개하 면서, 대외적으로는 아시아의 패권을 요구하는 이중성에 영향을 주었다. 이는 우키타의 윤리적 제국주의가 봉건적인 침략을 부정했다하더라도 일본의 전쟁논 리에 일조했다는 평가를 피할 수는 없는 이유이다. 이와 같이 메이지 후기부터 일본사회는 서구의 도덕 개념을 수용하는 과정에 서 다양한 논의를 전개해왔다. 그 가운데 우키타는 기존의 제국주의론자들과 다 른 특성을 보였지만, 일본이 전면적인 전쟁을 시작하면서 사상적인 전환을 하게 된다. 이러한 지성인들의 사상적인 전환과 전이가 일본이 ‘그럼에도 불구하고 전 쟁으로 나아가게 되는 원인’이 된 것은 아닐까? 이후 전면적인 중일전쟁이 발발 하자, 일본은 진정한 화를 위해 개인주의 및 개인을 국가에 복속시키고, 그 안에 서 일본국민은 국가의 정책과 이념에 따라 전쟁을 수행하는 수단이 되었다.

쇄국과 개국: 일본 근대화 이행과정에 나타난 모순과 변혁

유지아 한국중앙사학회 2008 중앙사론 Vol.27 No.-

The 19th century Japan which led the opening of a port and the Meiji Restoration is the time when the modern world that West Europe capitalism goes into Asia. In addition, it is the time the Japanese internal Bakuhu system loses the dominance in the time, and to demand a shift to the new times. Japan was going to grope for a breakthrough by the new national formation to turn on the Meiji Restoration in the situation of such `troubles from within and without'. It can look for the point that Japan prepared the modernization with deepening of contradiction of the Bakuhu system in the early modern times by development of Japanese urbanization and commercialization in the early modern times. For example, it is the Zyoukamachi(castle town) residence of a samurai and a merchant and the development of monetary economy by this, the development of the agricultural production power which is remarkable from the latter half in the 17th century and The Sankinkoutaithe(The daimyo's alternate-year residence in Tokyo systems) brought effect which promoted information interchange have been pointed out in an internal development factor to prepare the modernization. However, after all it is Western pressure to be a chance to be direct for the Japanese modernization. In other words it had begun to be collapsed international order of the early modern times of the East Asia that was able to include Japan by Opium War from 1839 to 42 years by an opportunity, and movement of the international order formation that was new by an effort to form a nation while each East Asia country was opposed to external pressure in the latter half in the 19th century was developed rapidly. A trial for new national creation was connected by such a process and brought a result to say the Meiji Restoration. The historical view to evaluate the Meiji Restoration and the Japanese modernization is a successful thing, continues without cease since it is rised Japan modernization theory. It point out that was able to succeed in industry in non-Western states though industry did not grow wild as inherent development until last years of Bakuhu. And it point out for the reason that the modernization at the economic infrastructure compares it with the modernization at the different infrastructure, and it is given that it had ability to organize to 'accuracy in it electric wave possibility having been high, a Japanese person having had motivation accommodating industry as a culture electric wave and the government by the `From the topt'. But an important point is put for success of the industry and the independent maintenance among such an evaluation mainly, and various contradiction and tangles think attention to have to be able to incline for the reproduced point while such a success keeps a traditional element on the back side. Rapid industry by the leadership of the government is the deepening of the poverty and wealth difference, the formation of the financial combine company in the city and inferior trouble motion environment, the tenant farming of the landed farmer in the farm village of the factory worker was brought the tangle that was in the promotion of the poor farmer and deepening of a financial combine of a farmer by it and people of trouble motion, hostility for the tycoon and the antipathy. However, the nation places more weight on promotion of the industry and suppressed a demand of the people for the equality. Therefore, a change and contradiction coexist in a modernization process through the Japanese Meiji Restoration.