개성상인과 일본 오미[近江] 상인의 비교 연구 - 그 기원과 정치권력과의 관계를 중심으로 -

양정필(Yang, Jeong Pil) 역사실학회 2019 역사와실학 Vol.69 No.-

개성상인의 특징을 또 다른 측면에서 확인하기 위해서 일본의 오미 상인과 비교 연구를 수행하였다. 그 결과 행상을 본령으로 하고, 각지에 점포를 내고, 또 자체적으로 상인을 키우는 제도를 갖고 있는 등 공통점이 있었다. 그러나 그에 못지않게, 차이점도 확인할 수 있었다. 특히 그 기원과 관련해서 오미 상인은 권력과 연결되지 않을 수 없었다. 반면 개성상인은 권력과 무관하게 활동하였다. 다음으로 오미 상인으로 자수성가하면 그 경제력을 유지 발전시키기 위해서 노력하였다. 이는 그 자손도 대대로 상인으로 활동할 것을 전제로 하였다. 반면 개성상인은 성공하더라도 그 자손이 상인으로 남기를 바라지 않았다. 공부를 시키거나 과거를 준비시켰다. 이러한 차이는 그들이 속한 사회의 운영원리의 차이에서 비롯된 면이 강했다. We compared Gaesong merchants and Omi merchants based on their origins and their relationship with political power. The two merchants have similar aspects, such as using peddlers as their headquarters and opening stores in the area they enter and training their own merchants. However, there were as many differences as he did. First of all, his attitude toward political power was different. Omi Merchant was naturally forced to form a relationship with political power. And some Omi merchants were protected and supported by political power in the process of growing up as merchants As a result, they have been passive in developing their own commercial institutions. This limited them to strengthening their competitiveness, and led to those who could not adapt well to the modern economic environment. The Gaesong merchant has been independent of political power since its origin. Since then, he has not resorted to political power even in commercial activities. They had to achieve economic success with their own abilities, and created various commercial systems. By the systems, they were able to increase their self-sufficiency. Gaesong merchants were a group of merchants who shared a single commercial style with a single origin. On the other hand, the Omi merchant, by its general name, may be called the Omi merchant, but inside there were merchants in lower categories with slightly different personalities. The sub-category merchants had slight differences in their background, commercial style, and so on. In some cases, we can identify cases in which we compete against each other. The Kaesong merchant, on the other hand, shared the historical experience of political discrimination. This has driven them to have the same identity and strong unity. There was also a difference in affection for home. When the ban on Daimyo’s relocation was lifted, Omi merchants moved their home to another area where they were doing business in large numbers. This shows that they were not very attached to their hometown. On the other hand, Gaesong merchants rarely changed their home base, even if they went to other areas to do business. He always left his wife and children in Kaesong, and if he succeeds economically, he returned to his hometown. As such, Omi merchants and Gaesong merchants can find similarities in peddlers, store management and merchant training, but there were many differences. Comparing the differences, we found that Gaesong merchants have great characteristics such as distance from political power, developing commercial systems, enhancing self-sustaining power, strong internal solidarity, and attachment to their hometown.

삼국-신라통일기 인삼 생산과 대외교역

양정필(YANG Jeong-Pil),여인석(YEO In-Sok) 대한의사학회 2004 의사학(醫史學) Vol.13 No.2

‘중국인삼’ 의 실체에 대한 비판적 고찰

양정필(YANG Jeong-pil),여인석(YEO In-sok) 대한의사학회 2003 의사학(醫史學) Vol.12 No.2

희토류 본드 자석의 현황과 전망

양정필(Jung-Pil Yang) 한국자기학회 2011 한국자기학회지 Vol.21 No.4

Since their discovery in the early 1980’s, the market for bonded rare earth magnets has shown steady growth. Today these magnets are widely used for our daily life such as computer peripherals, automotive, consumer electronics, and office automation. However, the price increases of rare-earths started from the 2nd half of 2010 became even worse in 2011. During 2nd quarter of 2011, almost all of rare-earths showed unprecedented vertical price increases, and it brought significant impact to the related industry in terms of the price and supply. This will ask the fundamental change in the policy of the bonded rare earth industry to expand its market share, which has been highly dependent on the replacement of ferrite magnets via relatively higher performance compared to the price at certain applications. In order to achieve the sustainable growth of bonded rare-earth magnets in the future, it needs to change the current paradigm and setup the new business model. This article includes a brief summary of the rare earth price trend and the applications of the rare-earth bonded magnets. The efforts to improve the performance and diversify the applications for future growth have been also presented.

자기 센서(2) - 자동차용 센서

양정필(J. P. Yang) 한국자기학회 1997 한국자기학회지 Vol.7 No.3

19 세기 개성상인의 자본전환과 삼업자본의 성장

양정필(Jeong Pil Yang) 연세사학연구회 2002 學林 Vol.23 No.-

N/A

대한제국 시기 인삼업의 변화와 특징-개성 지역 이외의 인삼 재배지를 중심으로-

양정필 ( Yang¸ Jeong Pil ) 연세사학연구회 2021 學林 Vol.48 No.-

Until the Japanese colonial era, Kaesong[開成] was the main ginseng production area in Korea. Although the ginseng fields were small, ginseng was also grown outside of Kaesong. Researchers have had little interest in the production of ginseng in those regions. This article examines the changes and characteristics of the ginseng industry in those areas during the Korean Empire. Around 1898-99, ginseng fields in the North Gyeongsang Province, the North Jeolla Province, and the North Chungcheong Province represented more than 60,000 kan[間≒3.3㎡], while ginseng fields in the Kaesong area occupied more than 550,000 kan. Compared to the Kaesong area, the production in these other provinces accounted for slightly more than 10 percent. The size of the ginseng industry was small. However, the fact that ginseng was grown in many areas was important. The Korean Empire’s imperial family imposed taxes on ginseng fields. In order to collect this tax, ginseng fields throughout the country were examined. This study used the data gathered at that time. When the imperial family collected the taxes on ginseng fields, ginseng farmers protested. However, the imperial family enforced the collection of the taxes on the ginseng fields. As officials collected excessive ginseng tax, ginseng farmers found themselves struggling. The conflict over the taxes on the ginseng fields worsened the ginseng industry environment. Therefore, some ginseng farmers began to give up the cultivation of ginseng. As a result, by 1908, the size of ginseng fields had been reduced to less than half that in 1898-99. However, there was a difference in the change by province. Jeonbuk experienced less slump in the ginseng industry, while the production areas of the North Gyeongsang Province and the North Chungcheong Province decreased sharply. While Seongju-gun had been the largest mountainous ginseng region in 1898, by 1908, Geumsan-gun had become the biggest. Although the ginseng industry suffered a slump, ginseng was grown in many areas around 1898-1899. People in those areas had ginseng cultivation techniques, which reflected the spread of ginseng cultivation technology. These people could jump into the ginseng industry anytime the problem of cultivation funds was solved. This expansion of the base was the foundation for the development of ginseng in these regions.

월남 개성인의 정착과정과 개성(開城)의 유산(遺産)

양정필 ( Yang Jeong-pil ) 연세사학연구회 2018 學林 Vol.42 No.-

The armstice of the Korean War led to the incorporation of Gaesung into north Korea. Those who fled their hometown Gaesung to the south then became displaced, and immediately faced the task of settling in south Korean society. This paper aims to look into the role of Gaesung legacy on the settlement of these people in south Korean society. Gaesung legacy includes commercial tradition, ginseng cultivation, and strong internal solidarity and bond. These qualities played a major role during the settlement of uprooted inhabitants in south Korea. Due to significant commercial heritage, there were notable people of Gaesung origin who have engaged in entrepreneurship or business. Among those, some grew to the rank of conglomerates, others simply ran small shops in middle or small-size cities, which situations portray a wide range of spectrum. Such phenomenon were mainly attributed to their experiences in pre-division era of the peninsula, when many pursued mercantile operations. Also, Gaesung people of south Korea established companies and helped fellow immigrants. Their cooperation was demonstrated in the form of co-investments, or giving advice on corporate management. Ginseng cultivation attributed to the economic success of Gaesung people in south Korean society as well. Ginseng was almost their soul since Gaesung locals grew this medicinal plant since the 19th century. After their escape, Gaesung refugees in the south could not raise ginseng until 1957, when Gaesung Ginseng Industry Union was reorganized. Then, some made it their full-time occupation, while others merely acted as co-investors. To Gaesung refugees, ginseng was more than just a commodity, but a memory of everything they left behind in their home including families. Ginseng naturally was also their blessing because its cultivation brought them economic security. Impressive solidarity and bond of Gaesung people assisted fellow refugees who were poor or non-adult immensely in settling down in south Korea. In case of those teenagers who evacuated without parents, quite a few suffered economic hardships. Those who established themselves in the South aided those in need, and helped desperate hometown immigrants adjust well to south Korean society. Most of Gaesung people successfully settled in south Korea, and Gaesung legacy indeed was the dominant factor.

17~18세기 전반 인삼무역의 변동과 개성상인의 활동

양정필 ( Yang Jeong-pil ) 제주대학교 탐라문화연구원 2017 탐라문화 Vol.0 No.55

조선후기 개성상인은 국내 상업활동뿐 아니라 국제 무역을 통해 크게 성장하였다. 본 연구는 17~18세기 전반기 개성상인의 국제무역 특히 인삼 무역을 고찰하였다. 조선후기 인삼 무역은 국내외 여건의 변화에 따라 큰 변동을 겪었다. 임진왜란 시기에는 明의 군인, 상인들이 직접 조선 영내로 들어와서 군사 활동 외에 상업에도 종사하였다. 그들은 다량의 인삼을 명으로 갖고 갔다. 임란 직후에는 조선에 들어온 명의 사신들이 인삼 획득에 혈안이 되었다. 그들이 징색해간 인삼은 막대하였다. 임란과 임란 직후의 인삼 무역은 명의 군사 지원이라는 조건 속에서 이루어진 특수한 형태였다. 명·청 교체기의 인삼 무역 역시 새로운 것이었다. 청의 발상지인 만주는 인삼 자생지였다. 후금 성장의 경제적 배경에는 인삼 교역이 있다. 따라서 후금은 조선에서 인삼을 수출하려 하였다. 당시까지 조선은 인삼 수출국이었는데 수입국이 된 것이다. 조선 인삼의 대 중국 수출이 부진해지자 조선의 인삼상인들은 일본으로 인삼 수출을 시도하였다. 당시까지 인삼의 對日수출은 극히 제한된 범위에서 이루어졌는데, 이때부터 대일 인삼 수출이 활기를 띠게 되었다. 이 시기에 활약한 대표적인 인삼 상인으로 개성상인을 들 수 있다. 당시 정부가 인삼관련 대책을 마련할 때마다 반드시 언급되는 곳이 개성이었다. 개성은 인삼 산지가 아님에도 언급된 이유는 개성상인들이 인삼 교역을 장악하고 있었기 때문이다. 1685년에는 국경을 넘어 만주에서 인삼을 채취하던 조선인이 청국 관리에게 放銃하여 상처를 입히는 사건이 발생하였다. 사안의 심중함을 인식한 조선 정부는 이듬해 인삼 채굴과 무역 모두를 금지하였다. 전면적인 인삼 금지령으로 인삼 채굴인들이 생계의 곤란을 겪는 문제가 발생하였다. 불법화되었음에도 인삼상인들의 활동이 멈춘 것도 아니었다. 결국 정부의 禁蔘정책은 차츰 이완되어 갔다. 1694년에는 부분적으로 인삼 채취를 허용하고, 1693년 무렵에는 동래의 왜관에서 인삼 禁令을 해제하고, 1707년에는 평안도와 함경도의 禁蔘도 해제하였다. 이에 인삼 무역은 다시 활기를 띠었다. 이 시기 인삼의 주요 수출국은 일본이었다. 1640년 무렵 허가된 대일 인삼 무역이 이 시기에 와서 만개한 것이다. 이러한 인삼 무역의 변동 속에서 개성상인은 핵심 인삼 상인으로 활동하였다. 그들은 인삼 산지에 직접 들어가서 인삼을 구입했을 뿐 아니라 그것을 직접 외국으로 수출하기도 하였다. 개성상인은 이러한 노력으로 인삼 무역 호황기의 최대 수혜자가 될 수 있었고, 조선후기를 대표하는 상인으로 성장할 수 있었다. Gaesung merchants in late Joseon period have significantly expanded their operations domestically and internationally. This research has examined the international trade of Gaesung merchants, notably ginseng trade, from 17th century to early 18th century. Ginseng trade in late Joseon era went through great transformations according to internal and external conditions. During the Hideyoshi invasion of Korea, Chinese soldiers and merchants came to Korea and engaged in commerce other than military operations. They eventually gathered large amounts of ginseng back to China. After the invasion came the envoys from Ming China, eager to obtain ginseng. They have also collected immensely as a result. During and in the aftermath of the Hideyoshi invasion, the nature of ginseng trade was uniquely determined under the condition of Chinese military aid. Ginseng trade during Ming-Qing transitional tmes of China witnessed dramatic change as well. Manchuria, the birthplace of Qing dynasty, also happened to be the wild growth place of ginseng. The economic background of Later Kum growth was none other than Ginseng trade, so that Kum tried to export ginseng to Joseon Korea. The position of Joseon was reversed, as it now became the importer of ginseng, which was the exact opposite of the previous. As the Joseon ginseng export to China was at a low ebb, the merchants tried to find a breakthrough by commercializing with Japan. Until then, ginseng export to Japan was strictly limited, but became more active from this time. During this period, Gaesung merchants played a major role of ginseng trade, as Gaesung was always mentioned whenever the Korean government made ginseng measures. Gaesung merchants were dominating ginseng trade, thus the reason why the city was treated important despite the fact that it was not a production center. In 1685, a Korean who crossed the border and collected ginseng in Manchuria shot and injured a Chinese official. Due to the seriousness of the incident, Joseon government banned both ginseng extraction and trade the following year. Because of an all out ginseng prohibition, ginseng gatherers faced immediate problems in their livelihood. This situation led to some illegal activities of ginseng traders, which eventually caused the government to loosen its prohibition. The Joseon court allowed partial extraction in 1694, lifted the ban in Japanese residential area of Busan around 1693, and cancelled the measure itself in Pyeongan and HamKyeong provinces in 1707. Such developments led to a reflowering of ginseng trade. At this age, Korea`s main exporting country was Japan, as ginseng trade permitted circa 1640 came to flourish during this epoch. During this time of ginseng trade transformation, Gaesung merchants were crucial in terms of its operation. Not only did they purchased ginseng directly from the production areas, they also exported the commodity directly to outside Korea as well. Thanks to their endeavors, Gaesung merchants became the prime benefactor of the booming ginseng trade, and ultimately managed to be the leading merchants of late Joseon period.

해방 이후 1950년대 홍삼 수출 연구

양정필(YANG, Jeongpil) 한국사학회 2022 史學硏究 Vol.- No.148

본고에서는 해방 이후 1950년대까지 홍삼 수출이 어떻게 이루어졌는지를 살펴보았다. 미군정 시기에는 미군정 자체의 소극적인 무역 정책과 중국 본토에서 홍삼 수입 금지 등 여러 요인이 복합적으로 작용해서 홍삼수출은 매우 침체되었다. 새로 수립된 정부는 미군정 시기에 제조되었지만 수출하지 못한 10만 근 이상의 홍삼을 넘겨받았다. 이 홍삼은 정부 재정에 크게 기여할 것으로 기대를 모았다. 그러나 이승만 정권은 홍삼 수출 방법을 둘러싸고 시행착오를 겪었다. 우여곡절 끝에 백낙승의 대한문화선전사에 홍삼을 불하하였다. 대한문화선전사는 3만근 이상의 홍삼을 홍콩으로 갖고 가서 판매를 시도하였지만 제대로 판매하지 못하였다. 그래서 전매청은 1952년에 그 계약을 파기하였다. 1950년대 초반 전쟁 중에는 홍삼 생산이나 수출이 힘들었다. 그러나 전쟁 말기인 1953년 6월부터 홍삼이 다시 수출되기 시작하였다. 1954년까지 두 번에 걸쳐 3만근 가까운 홍삼이 수출되었다. 그럼에도 3만5천여근의 홍삼이 남아 있었다. 정부는 이 홍삼을 판매할 업체로 설경동의 대한산업를 선정하였다. 그 과정에서 논란과 특혜 시비가 있었다. 대한산업은 3만5천근의 홍삼 중 1만여 근 이상을 판매하지 못하는 부진을 보였다. 1958년부터 수출된 홍삼은 전쟁 중에 혹은 그 직후에 제조된 것들이었다. 당시 홍삼 제조 수량은 1천근 내외로 이전과 비교하면 매우 적었다. 따라서 정부는 매해 공개 입찰에 의해서 업체를 선정하여 홍삼을 판매하였다. 한편 1950년대 말이 되면 한국 홍삼 생산량이 급감하면서 홍콩 시장에서는 경쟁 상품이 입지를 넓히고 또 한국 홍삼을 위조한 가짜 홍삼이 등장해서 큰 우려를 샀다. 이에 대해 전매청은 포장 방법을 일신하는 등의 방식으로 대응하면서 홍삼의 성가를 유지하려고 하였다. This paper examined how red ginseng exports were carried out from liberation to the 1950s. During the U.S. military administration, exports of red ginseng were very sluggish due to a combination of factors such as the U.S. military government’s passive trade policy and the ban on imports of red ginseng from mainland China. The newly established government took over more than 100,000 pounds of red ginseng that was manufactured during the U.S. military regime but failed to export. The red ginseng was expected to contribute greatly to the government’s finances. However, the Rhee Syng-man administration went through trial and error over how to export red ginseng. After many twists and turns, red ginseng was offered to Baek Nak-seung’s Korean Culture Propaganda. The Korean Culture Propaganda Company brought more than 30,000 pounds of red ginseng to Hong Kong and tried to sell it, but it failed to sell it properly. So the monopoly agency broke the contract in 1952. During the war in the early 1950s, red ginseng production and exports were difficult. However, red ginseng began to be exported again in June 1953 at the end of the war. By 1954, nearly 30,000 pounds of red ginseng were exported twice. Nevertheless, more than 35,000 pounds of red ginseng remained. The government selected Korean Industries in Seolgyeong-dong as the company to sell the red ginseng. In the process, there were controversies and disputes over preferential treatment. Korean Industrial showed a slump in sales of more than 10,000 of its 35,000-geun red ginseng. Red ginseng exported from 1958 was manufactured during or shortly after the war. At that time, the amount of red ginseng produced was around 1,000 roots, which was very small compared to the previous one. Therefore, these red ginsengs were sold by selecting companies through open bidding every year. Meanwhile, as Korean red ginseng production plunged in the late 1950s, competitive products expanded their presence in the Hong Kong market and fake red ginseng, which forged Korean red ginseng, caused great concern. In response, the resale agency tried to maintain the sacred value of red ginseng by responding to the packaging method by renewing it.