이데올로기 개념에 대한 일고 : 행태학적 접근

柳泰建(Yoo Tae-Gun) 동북아시아문화학회 2005 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.8

This paper aims to examine the concept of ideology from a value neutral point of view. To begin with, we criticize the approaches which evaluate ideologies on the basis of negative value judgement. And then, we examine the concept of ideology in relation to human "action" to understand it from a positive or value neutral viewpoint. From this behavioral viewpoint, ideology can be understood as a system of ideas or conceptions of which the morphology is homologous to that of the "system of orientations of action". This leads to formulate a definition of ideology: An ideology is a system of ideas which is constituted with the elements of cognition, affection, evaluation and expectation about certain objects of man, society and/or Nature, and which could be based on some standards of cognition, affection and evaluation to make itself more or less logically coherent. And this definition gives a conceptual scheme to analyse every system of ideology into its elements and standards of ideas about its objects concerned.

정치효능감과 정치참여의 유형별 관계

류태건(Tae gun Yoo) 21세기정치학회 2011 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.21 No.3

This paper intends to examine the relations among various types of political efficacy and political participation. For the purposes, it explores at first the results of analysis of existing empirical studies on the subject done by domestic researchers. And then, it analyses the data of a survey on the same subject carried out by the author himself. From all those examinations of research results, it leads to draw conclusions as follows. The type of internal-external political efficacy has positive influence on the political participation types of community activity and electoral activity, according to all the empirical research cases without exception. But the influences of internal-external, internal or external political efficacy on the other political participation types of voting, protesting and internet activity are not uniform according to the empirical research cases with different areas and periods.

지난 30년간 한국의 정치신뢰 변화

류태건(Tae gun Yoo) 21세기정치학회 2016 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.26 No.1

This paper examines the traits of change of political trust -trust in government, regime and nation- in Korea for the last some 30 years, analysing the data of the six surveys of the World Values Survey performed in the years of 1981, 1990, 1995, 2001, 2005 and 2010 in Korea. Results of analysis show as follows. The degree of trust in government recorded 70.7 points in 1981 out of a possible 100, and 47.3 points in 2010. The degree of trust in regime recorded 75.3 points in 1995, first measured year, to decrease to 64.3 points in 2010. The trust in nation was measured by patriotism and national pride. The degree of patriotism recorded 92 points in 1981 to decrease to 68 points in 2010. And The degree of national pride recorded 75.3 points in 1981 to decrease to 70 points in 2010. So Korea has experienced drops of trust in government by 33.1%, patriotism by 26.1% and national pride by 7% for 30 years, and trust in regime by 14.6% for 15 years.

한국,일본,미국,독일의 대인신뢰와 정부신뢰: 수준과 영향요인 비교분석

류태건 ( Taegun Yoo ) 서울대학교 한국정치연구소 2014 한국정치연구 Vol.23 No.3

This paper aims to examine the states of interpersonal trust and confidence in government as well as their influential factors in Korea, Japan, the USA, and Germany on the basis of analyses of the data of 2010-2014 World Values Survey. Classifying interpersonal trust in three types, trust in family members, trust in other familiar people, and generalized trust (in strangers), the states of trust are examined in four types including confidence in government. It is examined that the levels of trust in family members and confidence in government are not so different between the four societies as contrasted with trust in other familiar people and generalized trust. According to the levels of these two types of trust, the four countries can be ranked as higher trust societies in order of the USA, Germany, Korea, and Japan. With regard to the influential factors of the generalized trust and the confidence in government, it is found that there are two general tendencies in common among the four societies. One is the influence of post-materialism and the other is the positive correlation between some types of trust. The post-materialistic trends of self-realization and denial of authority have negative influence on the confidence in government among the four countries. Meanwhile, trust in other familiar people, generalized trust, and confidence in government have positive influence with statistical significance on each other in all four countries, while trust in family members does not.

사회적 네트워크의 크기와 강도가 사회자본에 미치는 효과

류태건(Tae gun Yoo) 21세기정치학회 2014 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.24 No.2

This paper aims to examine effects of the strength (of ties) and the size of social networks of individuals on the components of social capital, i.e. participation in voluntary associations, political participation, trust and general reciprocity, by means of data analysis of a survey performed by the author in July 2013 for the population of Busan city. Results of analysis show as follows. In general, regardless of their strength of ties the bigger the size of social networks of individuals is, the more they have positive effects on participation in voluntary associations, political participation, social trust and generalized reciprocity. But some differences of effects are found between the social networks of strong ties and weak ties. Compared with the social network of weak ties, that of strong ties has much more positive effect on participation in voluntary associations and some more positive effect on political participation. Besides, the social network of strong ties has positive effect on the political participation of conventional types, while that of weak ties has it on the political participation of unconventional types, namely political protests. And concerning interpersonal trust, the social network of strong ties has more positive effect on particularized trust, while that of weak ties has it on generalized trust.

이황과 이이의 우주론과 인성론 비교 정리

류태건(Tae gun Yoo) 21세기정치학회 2002 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.12 No.1

In this comparative study of cosmology and ethology of Yi Hwang and Yi I, founders of the two Korean Neo-Confucian schools of li or principle and ki or material force, I try to clarify their different positions in the usage of the concepts of li and ki, two cosmological substances, which lead in turn their differences in theory and in practice. For the purpose, I begin with an examination of the cosmology of Tchou Hi, founder of Chinese Neo-Confucianism, in which he uses the concept of li in contradictory way. This contradiction brings about different understandings of the concept and, as a result, different cosmology and ethology for the two Korean Neo-Confucianists. Yi Hwang admits activity of li and ki. From this point of view, he constructs his idealistic cosmology and rationalistic philosophy. Yi I admits activity of ki, but denies activity of li. And this point of view leads him to construct his cosmology and philosophy declined with materialistic and empirical tendencies, respectively.

부산광역시 수영구의 지방자치 재고(再顧)

류태건(Tae gun Yoo) 21세기정치학회 2006 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.16 No.1

This paper studies, with a survey by questionnaire done in 2005, such aspects of the residents of Suyeong-gu, Busan as their social and political participations and their evaluation of the local government performance. The results of the survey are analysed in comparison with those of the survey by questionnaire done in 1999 by the author. The results of the two surveys are analysed as follows. The degree of the residents' participation in voluntary associations is high. Compared with 1999, the degree of participation in the fraternal or hobby associations became lower while that in the other associations became somewhat higher in 2005. But, the degree of the residents' participation in local politics is very low, with same low sense of political competence in 2005 as in 1999. And the residents' evaluation of the general performance of the local government is very positive in 2005, more than in 1999. The analysis of the results shows also that the individuals of higher social participation in degree are more active in political participation and the individuals of higher political participation in degree are more positive in the evaluation of the output of the local government.

한국사회 정치항의의 변화추이와 영향요인 분석

류태건(Tae gun Yoo) 21세기정치학회 2013 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.23 No.2

This paper aims to examine periodical changes of political protest and their influential factors in Korea by means of analysis of the 5 waves survey data of the World Values Survey. The result of analysis shows that political protest tendency changes with time at the points of 20.5(1981), 38.5(1990), 35.0(1995), 46.0 (2001) and 37.0(2005) on the 100 points scale, which reflects the vicissitude of socio-political situations in Korea. That is to say, the points are recorded 20.5 in 1981 before the Korean democratization period of the late 1980s, while they go up between 35 and 38.5 during all the post-democratization period with the exception of 46.0 in 2001 at the time of IMF restructuring. Multiple regression analysis show that the independent variables 'political interest' and 'education level', in positive way, and 'trust in government' and 'age', in negative way, have statistically significant influence on these tendencies for all the periods of 5 waves surveys. And the other independent variables have statistically significant influence or not according to the survey period. But if they have, the independent variables 'relative deprivation', 'participation in social group', 'progressivism' and 'male in sex' have always positive influence on the political protest tendency in Korea.

정치참여와 정치신뢰

류태건(Tae gun Yoo) 21세기정치학회 2012 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.22 No.1

This paper intends to examine the relationship between various types of political participation and political trust. For the purposes, it explores at first the results of analysis of existing empirical studies on the subject done by domestic researchers. And then, it analyses the results of a survey on the same subject carried out by the author himself. From all these examinations of the research results, it leads to draw conclusions as follows. The relationship between the two behavioral variables composed with various types is very weak in general, having significant correlations only between a few of their types. That is to say, only the type of 'political trust in political institutions' has a significant positive influence on the types of political participation 'public activity' and 'voting', and has at least no negative influence on them. But the influential relationship between other types of the two behavioral variables is measured positive, negative or no significant along with the different empirical researches, not to show any consistent tendency of relationship.

정치정향이 정치참여 및 정부평가에 미치는 영향

류태건(Tae gun Yoo) 21세기정치학회 2010 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.20 No.3

This paper examines by means of a survey by questionnaire, on the one hand, the states of political efficacy, political trust, political participation and citizen evaluation of the residents of Suyeong-gu, Busan, and, on the other, the influences of political orientations combined with political efficacy and political trust on the action variables of citizen participation and citizen evaluation. The results of the survey are analyzed as follows. The general state of political orientations of the residents is characterized as 'subordinate', with low efficacy and high trust. The citizen evaluation of the government performance is measured somewhat high in degree, on which both political efficacy and political trust of the residents have direct positive influences respectively. And the citizen participation is measured very low in degree, on which political efficacy and political trust have also positive influences but in different ways. Political efficacy has positive influences in direct on the citizen participation. But political trust has positive influences on the citizen participation in such a indirect way through the intermediary of political efficacy that, in the group of low efficacy, persons of high trust show higher citizen participation, while, in the group of high efficacy, persons of low trust show higher citizen participation.