유월을 사는 여인

김준 慶熙大學校 문리과대학 1967 文理學叢 Vol.4 No.1

스페인어 대격 접어(accusative clitic) 구문: 선택적 자질 계승(optional feature inheritance) 분석

김준한 한국스페인어문학회 2014 스페인어문학 Vol.0 No.71

This paper aims to explore the properties of Spanish accusative clitic constructions and to provide an appropriate analysis for them. On the basis of the mechanism of Chomsky's (2007, 2008) and Richards' (2007) feature inheritance, we analyze various accusative clitic constructions in Spanish. Concretely, we propose a mechanism of optional feature inheritance, which is different from Chomsky's original one in that the uninterpretable phi-features of a phase head can optionally be inherited by the head it selects. One of the consequences obtained from this hypothesis is that the presence of accusative clitics is analyzed as a morphological realization of the phi-features in v*, which are left in its original position without feature inheritance. Under our optional feature inheritance analysis, we not only account for the obligatory presence of accusative clitics in clitic left dislocated constructions, but also the obligatory clitic doubling in strong pronoun constructions.

스페인어 공백화 구문(Gapping Construction)에 대한 다중관할(Multidominance) 분석

김준한 한국스페인어문학회 2012 스페인어문학 Vol.0 No.65

El principal objetivo del presente trabajo es explicar bajo la teoría minimista la construcción de vaciado en español(Spanish Gapping Construction). En el primer capítulo, observaremos desde el punto de vista crítico los estudios previos sobre dicha construcción: análisis de borrado(deletion analysis) y análisis de movimiento(movement analysis). En el segundo capítulo, presentaremos las características de la construcción de vaciado en español, y en el tercero, intentaremos analizar las construcciones de vaciado aplicándoles una nueva idea, es decir, la de Multidominación(Multidominance), propuesta por Citko(2005), Wilder(1999, 2008), Gracanin-Yuksek(2007, 2009), entre otros. Sobre todo, fijándonos en algunos datos empíricos intentaremos explicar por qué no aparece en español la restricción de la oración subordinada. Para ello, primero analizaremos las construcciones de predicado partido(predicate cleft construction) y luego, propondremos una estructura de multidominación, en la que se licencia un vaciado en la oración subordinada.

El análisis de la estructura sintáctica de las oraciones de relativo restrictivas en español

김준한 한국스페인어문학회 2010 스페인어문학 Vol.0 No.57

El análisis de la estructura sintáctica de las oraciones de relativo restrictivas en español

Selective Removal of Homopolymers Blended in each block of Symmetric Lamellar Morphology Diblock Copolymer on Thin Film

김준,김진곤 한국고분자학회 2018 한국고분자학회 학술대회 연구논문 초록집 Vol.43 No.2

스페인어 "lo que" 자유 관계절(Free Relative Clauses) 연구

김준한 ( Jun Han Kim ) 한국스페인어문학회 2016 스페인어문학 Vol.0 No.79

The purpose of this paper is to account for the syntactic peculiarities of Spanish Free Relative Clauses and to provide an appropriate analysis for them. On the basis of the ``multidominant structure`` adopted in more recent works by Wilder(1999, 2008), Citko(2005, 2011), Riemsdijk(2006a,b), among others, we will propose a novel analysis of the free relative clauses in Spanish. More specifically, it is assumed that the neutral definite article ``lo`` forms the relative DP merging with the empty pronoun ``pro`` and that this relative DP ``lo+pro`` moves to Spec-CP in order to checking its [+rel] feature. We suppose under this hypothesis that the relative DP, which has moved to Spec-CP, merges again with the matrix verb yielding the multidominant structure. Our multidominance analysis can well account for the so-called ``Matching Condition``, which is generally observed in Free Relative Clauses. However, this multidominance analysis is so strict that it can not explain the Spanish data in which the Matching Condition is not satisfied. To resolve this problem, we assume that some Spanish verbs that subcategorize CP as a complement do not merge with the relative DP, but with the CP that contains it in its Spec position and in this case the multidominant structure is not formed.

스페인어와 영어의 [보문소-흔적] (COMP-trace) 구문 연구: 국면취소(Phase cancellation) 가설을 중심으로

김준한 한국스페인어문학회 2019 스페인어문학 Vol.0 No.93

This paper aims to explain Chomsky's(2015) revised Phase theory and to provide an appropriate analysis to the [COMP-trace] constructions. It is generally assumed that the raised head is adjoined to its target, which projects. But Chomsky(2015) argues that the target should be affixed or adjoined to the raised head, which induces the Phase cancellation. Concretely, Chomsky(2015) proposes that raising of R(oot) to v* yields an amalgam with v* adjoined to R, and this adjoined v* becomes invisible to any further syntactic operation at the next Phase. Based on this proposal, we have proposed for English that T to C movement forms a structure [T [T C]], which causes CP to lose its phase-hood and this structure allows a wh-phrase to continue moving to the higher Phase. We have proposed for Spanish that C can form a structure [C [C T]] by the external merge with T and this structure makes it possible to move a wh-phrase up because it is not spelled-out. This is why there is no [COMP-trace] effect in Spanish. It is also shown that our proposal is compatible with some English adverb constructions which do not show [COMP-trace] effects.

다중 관할 구조(Multidominance Structure)연구 -스페인어 RNR(right node raising) 구문과 ATB(across the board) 구문을 중심으로

김준한 한국스페인어문학회 2012 스페인어문학 Vol.0 No.64

동사이동에 대한 이론적 고찰

김준한 한국스페인어문학회 2007 스페인어문학 Vol.0 No.44

El objetivo del presente trabajo es tratar de concretar teóricamente el movimiento del verbo bajo el Programa Minimista. Para ello hemos argumentado que en las lenguas cuya morfología verbal es rica el afijo flexivo CONC tiene estatus independiente en la derivación, en cambio, para las lenguas cuya morfología verbal es pobre ese CONC no es un afijo que está registrado en la Numeración, por tanto, no tiene estatus independiente en la derivación. En nuestra hipótesis el hecho de que CONC tenga o no tenga estatus independiente en la derivación se relaciona estrechamente con el movimiento del verbo en la sintaxis explícita. Concretamente, hemos supuesto que en el español cuyos núcleos flexivos son afijos, el verbo debe subir a T para satisfacer la morfología verbal en la sintaxis. Por contraste, hemos supuesto que en el inglés cuyos núcleos flexivos son un conjunto de rasgos abstractos, el verbo no se mueve en la sintaxis, ya que la morfología verbal se realiza post-sintácticamente(i.e. en la Forma Fonética). Por otra parte, siguiendo la idea del Principio de Prontitud(Earliness Principle), propuesta por Pesetsky(1989), hemos propuesto que las operaciones computacionales deben aplicarse lo más pronto posible. Esta hipótesis explica la razón por la cual el verbo español se mueve a T en la sintaxis pero el verbo inglés, no.

스페인어 보문소(complementizer) ‘que’ 생략 구문 연구

김준한 한국스페인어문학회 2022 스페인어문학 Vol.- No.103

The purpose of this study is to explore the properties of Spanish clauses without complementizer ‘que’ and provide an appropriate analysis for them. In this paper, I have proposed a novel analysis of Spanish complementizerless clauses, based on ‘dephasing hypothesis’ proposed by Chomsky(2015). It is analyzed that the omission of complementizer ‘que’ is the result of T to C movement to check [irrealis] feature of C. Specifically, it is assumed that the structure made by T to C movement is [T [T C]], in which the phase head C becomes invisible to other computational operations and thus may not be spelled out in PF. (cf. Halle & Marantz 1993; Embick & Noyer 2007). I have also applied the external pair-merge hypothesis of Epstein, Kitahara & Seely (2016) to explain the construction with complementizer ‘que’. That is, it is assumed that the phase head C, before merging with TP, externally merges with a copy of T and forms the [C [C T]] structure in C position. This analysis not only enables the [irrealis] feature of C to be checked without T to C movement, but also can explain why the complementizer ‘que’ is spelled out in the [C [C T]] structure.