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      • KCI등재

        김환기의 근대기 작품에 나타난 체험과 감각

        김인아(Kim In-ah) 한국근현대미술사학회 2015 한국근현대미술사학 Vol.29 No.-

        It is prevalent opinion that Kim Whan?ki from the 1930s to the early 1940s was an abstract artist. As well known, Kim had strong ties with the avant-garde communities of Japan when he was a student there as well as when back to Korea while producing abstract works. Kim later formed a neorealism community with Yoo Youngkuk and Lee KyuSang, where he seeked the ‘Neo-Reality’. He also reflected his interest in korean tradition and antiques in his work while having made an exchange with artists, poets, and writers who had worked through ‘Munjang’ that is literature magazine. That much of the academic literature on Kim’s paintings from this period have been focused on abstract and avant-garde art and orientalism may be a natural consequence of his historical trajectory as the above. As the advanced researches tell, Kim Whan?ki’s interest is not the departure from an object but the way ‘abstractifying’ an object, while pursuing the abstract art. This study also begins from the premise that the key element necessary for interpreting Kim’s abstract art is the way rather than the concept. I would like to go even a step further to argue that the form and content of the abstract in Kim’s work reflect the artist’s personal experiences and emotional sensations. And I’ll argue that such personal experiences-which exist on the outskirts of Kim’s abstract art-are imbued with a kind of romanticism. To illuminate these points, I analyze the abstract features of Kim’s work that appear as geometrical designs in conjunction with the social atmosphere of the era, and also interpret the artist’s personal experiences reflected in the work through references to articles, photographs, and related written works published in the literary magazines of the day. I attempt to show that Kim Whan-ki’s painting which abstractly portrayed the city and machines-symbols of the most cutting-edge elements of civilization- are not simply a matter of style but concrete expressions of the artist’s existential interpretations of nature, life, and modern civilization. It may seem unusual for an artist who interprets the world through the lens of existentialism to pursue such an abstract style. However, at that time, this is not unusual. This is because the avant-garde discourse in those days was developed in each artist’s personal understanding. The experiences of the 1930s that appear in Kim’s work were personal and everyday experiences of modern civilization, and this is why his artwork includes hints at the modernist emotional connection with urban life. Kim’s nostalgia for the modern lifestyle he experienced during his student years in Tokyo occasionally appears as a landscape that is in turn representational or contemplative. These approach is similar to imagism in literature. Kim Gi-rim, a leading Korean modernist poet, defines poetry as the expression of not the mental but the “real” world in writing. Similarly, Kim Whan?ki’s work is an expression of reality as created through the artist’s memories and experiences.

      • KCI등재

        역사 속 재일조선인 의료와 복지의 한계 : 현재의 코로나19 속 상황에서 1920년대 전반 오사카방면위원회의 존재적 한계 보기

        김인덕(Kim, In-Duck)(金仁德) 한일민족문제학회 2021 한일민족문제연구 Vol.40 No.-

        現在地球はコロナ19の危機の中にある。こうした危機は本質的であり、我々の暮らしの現像的側面に対する部分的、臨時的、外面的収集策では絶対克服できないという事実を感知しなければならない。公害と感染、自然の破壊、そして伝染病の伝染につながる現像は、韓国の社会が自然環境であるという側面の本質的制限である。このような問題は個人の次元ではなく社会的、ひいては地球的次元のことと、歴史的、特に哲学的論議は切實といえる。歴史の中で見ると、伝染病と社会福祉は国家と資料の問題のみにの位置づけにはならない。特に在日朝鮮人にとって社会福祉は外傷的に存在したと見える。歴史的に見ると、国家と資料を統制しなければ、破局の道を歩んでしまった記録が多く存在する。とりわけ軍国主義日本がこれを示す代表的存在と思う。生は死を前に提議するときに本源的意味があるといえる。こんな人間は構造の中の日常を生きてゆく。在日朝鮮人にとってその世界は単純構造ではなく、集團的統制の中で共同体構成員として生きていったのである。彼らにとって日常は罪の悪に思えるかもしれない。渡港した在日朝鮮人は、都市の下位社会に編入された。彼らは部落民と同等な水尊であるか、これを下回る困難層として存在した。彼ら在日本人の暮らしは始まりからトラウマだった。日常で彼らが安全な居住空間を確認保するのは絶代容易ではなかった。すると、在日朝鮮人は社会福祉の対象で在らなければならなかった。 しかし、方面委員会を通して大阪府の社会福祉事業は、朝鮮の人々を構造的かつ本質的に差別し、社会福祉の名前は無実であった。結局、在日朝鮮人は、社会福祉と医療の死角地に存在しなければならいた。このように、日帝は帝國の構造の中で、植民主義を被壓迫狀態の植民地民に制して日本社会の中在日朝鮮人を福祉以外の空間に位置づけていった。どうやら、大阪府の方面委員会は、その実とすることができる。在日朝鮮人は対象化されている中で、統制の対象として存在した。この研究は、日常の医療と福祉の植民地的限界と、統制構造の反人道と危險性を指摘するための小さな試みです。 Currently, the Earth is in the midst of a crisis of covid-19. We must recognize that such a crisis can never be overcome by a partial, temporary, or external remedy for the phenomenon aspects of our lives in nature. The phenomenon that leads to pollution, contamination, destruction of nature, and the creation of infectious diseases are another pattern of intrinsic limitations that our society is deviating from. Such a problem is not at the individual level, but at the social and even global level, and historical and especially philosophical discussions are urgently needed. In history, infectious diseases and social welfare do not result only in problems of state and capital. In particular, social welfare seems to have been traumatic for Koreans in Japan. Historically, if the state and capital are not controlled, there are many records that have led to a catastrophe. In particular, I think militaristic Japan is a representative of this. Life can be said to strengthen its original meaning when it presupposes death. Such a human being lives his daily life in a structure. For Koreans living in Japan, the world was not just a structure but a member of a community under collective control. For them, daily life may have been considered a sin. Korean residents in Japan were incorporated into lower-class urban communities. They existed as poor people who were equal to or below the level of the villagers. The lives of these Koreans in Japan have been traumatized from the beginning. It was never easy for them to secure a stable living space in their daily lives. Then, Koreans in Japan should have existed as an object of social welfare. However, the Osaka government’s social welfare project through a welfare committee has structured and essentially discriminated against Koreans from Japan. The name of social welfare was a nameless one. In the end, Koreans in Japan had to exist in blind spots of social welfare and medical care. As above, Japan forced colonialism to the oppressed colonists in the structure of the empire and established itself in a space other than welfare for Korean residents in Japanese society. In a way, the Osaka Prefecturel welfare Committee is the very essence. Korean residents in Japan were subject to control while being targeted. This study is a small attempt to point out the colonial limitations of everyday health care and well-being and the anti-humanity and risks of the control structure.

      • KCI우수등재

        인권에 관한 법제 · 정책 개선의 성과와 과제

        김인재(金仁在, In Jae Kim),이발래(李發來, Bal Rae Lee) 한국공법학회 2006 공법연구 Vol.35 No.2-2

        국가인권위원회(이하 '위원회'라 함)는 인권에 관한 법령, 제도, 정책 및 관행 등의 개선에 관한 권고와 의견표명을 통하여 지난 5년간 인권보호가 정부 정책의 수립 및 집행과정에서 주요 가치 및 평가지표로 뿌리내릴 수 있도록 노력하였다. 위원회의 권고나 의견표명은 고전적인 자유권 문제, 사회권 문제, 사회적 소수자를 비롯한 다양한 영역에 걸친 인권문제를 모두 포괄하고 있다. 국가보안법 , 사회보호법 및 사형제도, 인권 NAP 권고안, 차별금지법 제정 권고안 등 사회적으로 민감하고 높은 관심을 불러일으키는 주제에 대하여 권고나 연구·조사가 이루어졌다. 이는 위원회가 우리 사회의 인권 문제 전반에 대하여 폭넓은 관섬과 노력을 기울여 우리 사회의 인권 보호와 증진이라는 설립목적을음 충실히 수행하였음을 보여준다. 다만, 폭증하는 주요 인권정책 현안의 처리가 지연됨에 따라 시의성을 상실한 경우도 있었으며, 피권고기관의 권고불이행으로 권고의 실효성 문제가 지적되기도 하였다. 또 대부분의 권고 및 의견표명이 위원회 내부 기획에 의한 정책검토 보다는 외부요청(의견조회 등)에 의하여 행해졌으며, 특정 분야 또는 대상에 대한 계획적·종합적·지속적 개업보다는 계기적·부분적·일회적 정책권고가 행해졌다. 따라서 정책엽무 수행에서 전략적 기획에 의한 선택과 집중 및 사회권 관련 권고 개발이 미흡할 수밖에 없었다. 또한 위원회가 법안에 대하여 의견을 표명하는 경우에도 개별 조문에 대한 의견을 제시하는 선에서 그치거나 법률주의적 관점이 지배적이라는 것과 진정사건의 침해구제에 치우쳐 있었으며, 현재의 법제와 관행에서 인권침해적 요소를 찾아내고 시정하려는 노력은 상대적으로 미약했다는 위원회 외부의 비판이 있었다. 이에 위원회는 위원회법이 요구하는 인권 보호와 증진이라는 설립목적올 달성하가 위하여 사회적 약자 및 소수자의 권리증진을 위한 사회권 관련 정책개발음 동하여 인권영역을 확장하고, 국제 인권가준의 국내 적용을 위한 기반을 구축하고, 인권현안에 대한 대응능력을 제고하는 방향으로 추진될 필요가 있다. 위원회가 국제적인 수준의 인권기구가 되가 위해서는 수동적인 진정사건의 해결이나 법령 검토에 만족해서는 안되고, 인권 현안에 대하여 적극적이고 능동적으로 대응해야 하며 인권에 관계된 법령·제도의 개선에 신속한 대책을 강구해야 한다. The National Human Rights Commission of Korea (NHRCK) has submitted recommendations and expressed opinions on reforming human rights legislation, policies and general practice during the past five years in an effort to establish human rights protection as fundamental criteria of values and evaluation in processes of developing and enforcing government policies. NHRCK recommendations and opinions cover all human rights issues from diverse fields includingissues regarding classical civil rights, social rights and social minorities. Recommendations, research and investigations were conducted on socially sensitive issues or of high public interest such as national security law, social surveillance law, capital punishment system and, recommendations of the roadmap of National Action Plan on human rights. These illustrate NHRCK determination in the mandate to protect and promote human rights in our society by devoting its efforts and broad interest in the length and breadth of human rights issues of our society. Occasionally, due to the delay in response to escalating issues on current human rights policy, integrity was at stake andin other occasIOns, failure to comply withthe recommendation by the recommendee-institution was regarded as a problem in optimizing the effectiveness of recommendations. Also, as the majority of recommendations and opinions are made upon external requests (i.e. inquiry, etc) rather than policy revision based on the internal planning agenda, policy recommendations are opportunistic, partial and isolated rather than considered as planned, comprehensive and continuous interventions. Consequently, in the process of policy-making, choices and motivation based on strategic planning and, recommendations concerning social rights have no alternative but to be inadequate. Furthennore, in regards to cases where NHRCK expresses its opinion about bills, there has been external criticism that the opinion is limited at the point of a particular provision or, it is the case that the perspective of legal principles dominates and the opinion tends to lean towards the remedies of violation complaint cases. Hence, efforts to identify characteristics of human rights violation in the current legal system and general practice and, reform them are relatively weak. Accordingly, in order to carry out the mandate to protect and promote human rights as stipulated in the National Human Rights Commission Act, it is necessary that NHRCK works towards extending the scope of human rights by developing policies concerning social rights in favor of socially underpriviledged and minorities; establishing a framework to integrate international human rights standards as part of domestic jurisprudence and improving its capacity to countermeasure current human rights situations. For NHRCK to become a National Institution of international recognition, it must not be satisfied by passive remedies of complaint cases and revisions of laws but must respond to current human rights issues actively and enthusiastically and, must examine immediate measures regarding the improvement of legislation related to human rights.

      • KCI등재

        재배년수에 따른 삼백초(三白草)의 생육형질간 상관관계

        김인재(In Jae Kim),남상영(Sang Young Nam),김민자(Min Ja Kim),윤태(Tae Yun),김홍식(Hong Sig Kim),정승근(Seung Keun Jong) 한국자원식물학회 2006 한국자원식물학회지 Vol.19 No.2

        삼백초의 지상부 생육은 1년에서 2년차의 생육은 증가 폭이 컸으나, 2년에서 3년차의 생육은 감소하거나 부진하였다. 1년차에서는 소식일수록 생육이 양호하였으나, 3년생은 밀식할수록 차이가 없거나 감소하였다. 단위면적당 엽수와 경수는 재배년수가 경과하고 밀식할수록 많았다. 경엽(莖葉) 수량이 1년생은 밀식에서, 2년생은 40×10cm에서, 3년생은 40×20cm에서 가장 많았다. 근경중(根莖重)은 1년생에서 2년생은 중량의 증가폭이 켰으나, 2년생에서 3년생은 증가 폭이 둔화되었다. 재식거리간 근경중은 년차 간 고도의 유의성이 있었으며, 경엽중에 비해 매우 높았다. The growth of stem and leaves in Saururus chinensis. in the 2nd year was markedly increased comparing to that in the 1st year, however the growth in the 3rd you was not increased significantly. The growth in the 1st yew was greater in low planting density, while the growth in the 3rd year decreased in higher planting densities. The num- ber of leaves and stems per unit area increased in higher planting densities and later years. The weight of stem and leaves in Saururus chinensis was higher at the highest planting density in the 1st yew, at 40×10cm planting in the 2nd year and at 40×20cm planting in the 3rd year. The weight of rhizome in Saururus chinensis increased greatly in the 2nd you comparing to that in the 1st year, but the increase was insignificant in the 3rd year. The weight of rhizomes in Saururus chinensis showed significant interaction between planting densities and years showed highly significant difference.

      • KCI등재

        상한론탕제(傷寒論湯劑)에서 대황(大黃) 1일 복용량과 추출법

        김인락 ( In-rak Kim ) 대한본초학회 2016 大韓本草學會誌 Vol.31 No.3

        Objectives : The purpose of this study is to assume the size of sliced piece, daily dose and extracting Method of Rhubarb in Treatise on Cold Damage Diseases. Methods : I contrast results of recent studies with assuming results based on original text of Treatise on Cold Damage Diseases. Results : Daily dose was 6, 4 or 2 Ryang in case of cutting Rhubarb in bean-size. These prescriptions were decocted with water or sinked in boiled water. Another daily doses were large baduk-piece size 6 units and baduk-piece size 6 units in case of cutting Rhubarb in size bigger than bean. The former was used in adding to the Jisilchijasi-tang in case of constipation, the latter was used in Sihogayonggolmoryeo-tang and Jeodang-tang. The size of large baduk-piece was 2.32 cm in width, 4.64 cm in length, 4.3 g in weight, and the length and weight of baduk-piece was half of that was. Two sizes of Rhubarbs were sunk in water for 12 hours. After decocting the other ingredients, mixed Rhubarb extraction and Rhubarb, and then boiled it for 1 minute. Conclusions : From this study, daily dose of Rhubarb was 6, 4 or 2 Ryang and the 6 pieces of large baduk-piece or baduk-piece are respectively 4 or 2 Ryang. The extracting methods was decocting, sinking in boiled water for short time, sinking in water for long time and then mixing these with other decocted solution.

      • KCI등재

        1923년 관동대지진 조선인학살 사건이 재일한인 사회에 주는 현재적 의미-민단과 총련의 주요 역사교재와 ꡔ민단신문ꡕ의 기사를 중심으로-

        김인덕(Kim, In-duck) 한일민족문제학회 2017 한일민족문제연구 Vol.33 No.-

        This paper was written to identify current response of Mindan in terms of Great Kanto earthquake in 1923 and its massacre of Korean residents in Japan. To verify this, the author made certain that of Mindan’s textbook and counterpart of General Association of Korean Residents in Japan’s narrative attitude. Especially, the author examined stream of history textbook of Korean residents in Japan preferentially. Summing up the contexts, textbook of General Association of Korean Residents in Japan could have been considered as North Korea textbook but which is partially right and wrong. On the other hand, Mindan’s narrated in thematic on ‘History of Korean resident in Japan’. In particular, description of post-war period, it has limitation of historic facts in various point of views. Also, the textbook didn’t’ testify number of Korean victims and references. For example, it estimated five to six thousands of the dead but there were no mention of Koreans’ action on massacre. However, General Association of Korean Residents in Japan depicted the reason of massacre was the false propaganda by military, police, repressing association to Korean and described the places of massacre as well; Kametido in Tokyo, Kanagawa, Chiba, Saitama, and Kunma- around 6,600 people were killed. Not only Korean but many of Chinese and Japanese socialist were also murdered by Japan according to textbook of General Assocation. The author looked into Mindan’s reaction on massacre by last ten years of ‘Mindan Newspaper’ from 2003 to 2013. They had been commemorated this genocide by ceremonies, seminars, lectures, and exhibitions. They actively noted on their textbook. Tokyo and its area were the main locations to do those events and even nationwide were held as well but joint project with Japanese experts, regional investigation, and on the spot survey weren’t there. The society of Korean residents in Japan has been trying to commemorate Korean massacre in 1923 during Great Kanto earthquake for a long time. Including Mindan & General Association of Korean Residents in Japan, many of scholars and activists were actively there.

      • KCI등재

        ≪대한약전≫ 제9개정에서 Curcuma속(屬)의 한약명과 약성에 관한 연구

        김인락 ( In Rak Kim ) 대한본초학회 2009 大韓本草學會誌 Vol.24 No.3

        Objectives: The purpose of this study is to determine the herbal name and four Qi(四性) of genus curcuma in the Korea Pharmacopoeia ninth Edition. Methods: Compare with the name and four qi of genus curcuma from the Korea Pharmacopoeia ninth Edition and the other nation`s Pharmacopoeia and main herbal medicine books. Results: 1. The Rhizoma of Curcuma longa is called Kanghwang in KP 9, but is called Ulgeum in the main herbal medicine book. 2. The Rhizoma of genus curcuma except Curcuma longa is called Achul in KP 9, but is called Kanghwang in the main herbal medicine book. 3. The root of genus curcuma is called Ulgeum in KP 9, but is called Achul in the main herbal medicine book. 4. The four qi of the Rhizoma and Radix of genus curcuma is recorded worm and cold in the Ch. p 2005, but is recorded cold and worm in the main herbal medicine book. Conclusions: Kanghwang, Achul, Ulgeum in the KP 9 is equivalent Ulgeum, Kanghwang, Achul in the main herbal medicine book. The four qi of Rhizoma is cold, Radix is warm.

      • KCI등재

        리오 프랭크 사건(1913~1915)과 ‘인종화된 섹슈얼리티’ - 오스카 미쇼의 <할렘 살인>(1935)을 중심으로

        김인선(Kim, In-Sun) 부산경남사학회 2021 역사와 경계 Vol.121 No.-

        본 연구는 ‘인종화된 섹슈얼리티’ 편견이 얼마나 참담한 비극을 초래하는지 살펴볼 역사적 사례로서 1913년 미국 조지아 주 애틀랜타에서 발생한 메리 패건 살인 재판과 이 사건을 소재로 삼은 영화 <할렘 살인>(1935)을 재조명했다. 애틀랜타 연필 공장 노동자 13세 백인 소녀 메리 패건이 살해된 사건에서 주요 용의자로 유대인 사장 리오 프랭크와 흑인 잡역부 짐 콘리가 지목되었다. 진범이 누구냐를 둘러싸고 한 세기 이상 공방 중인 이 사건은 입장에 따라 사건의 구성이 상이할 뿐 아니라 주요 용의자 평가도 극히 대조적이다. 본 연구자가 주목한 점은 이 사건에서 20세기 초 미국 남부가 주변부 비백인 남성성을 창안하고 구성한 과정이다. 범인으로 지목된 유대인 남성과 흑인 남성은 규범적 백인 남성성에 반하는 비(非)정상적인 섹슈얼리티를 가진 위험한 타자로 표상되었다. 이렇게 창안된 ‘인종화된 섹슈얼리티’ 편견은 본 재판에서 강력한 증거로 채택되었고 끝내 무고한 생명을 희생시켰다. 이는 ‘우리’를 보호한다는 미명 아래 ‘인종화된 섹슈얼리티’ 편견이 얼마나 무서운 위력을 발휘하는지 고찰할 적절한 역사적 사례다. This study examined the Mary Phagan murder trial in Atlanta, Georgia in 1913 and a film, ‘Murder in Harlem’(1935) based on this case, as an example of how tragic the racialized sexuality has caused in American history. Leo Frank, Jewish superintendent and Jim Conley, black janitor were arrested as the main suspects in the murder of Mary Phagan, a 13-year-old white employee in Atlanta National Pencil company. The sharp difference in the perspective of who the real culprit is has not only reconstructed the case in different ways, but also led to a contrasting evaluation of the main suspects in the case. What I focused on in this case is the process by which the South created and constituted marginalized non-white masculinities in the early 20th century. Jewish men and black men who were identified as the criminal were represented as sexual pervert with abnormal sexuality that went against the normal white masculinity. The "racialized sexuality" prejudice created in this way, was adopted as a strong evidence in the Mary Phagan trial and sacrificed an innocent live. This case is an appropriate historical example of how powerful the prejudice of "racialized sexuality" justified by the logic of protecting insiders can be.

      • 조선총독부박물관 전시에 대한 소고

        김인덕(Kim In duck) 전남대학교 글로벌디아스포라연구소 2011 전남대학교 세계한상문화연구단 국제학술회의 Vol.2011 No.2

        1915년의 공진회는 만들어진 홍보공간이었다. 빛나는 조선 문화 보다는 열등한 조선 문화, 제국에 눌린 조선의 왕권, 일본자본주의를 학습하는 장소였다. 문제는 공진회의 전시가 기본적으로 역사성과 문화성이 결여되었고, 동시에 비교 전시를 통해 현실의 정치와 문화를 상대화시켰으며, 종국적으로 조선총독부의 효율성을 과시하는 공간이 되어 제국의 ‘목적’에 충실했다는 점이다. 공진회 때의 미술관인 석조 건물은 조선총독부박물관의 본관이 되었다. 개관한 조선총독부박물관 본관은 박물관 건물로 지어진 것은 아니었다. 기능적으로 미술관이었다. 조선총독부박물관의 1920년대 전시는 1923년의 내용을 우선 확인할 수 있다. 1923년 전시는 공진회 때의 미술관 1층의 전시 내용, 즉 중앙 홀의 경주 남산 약사불, 석굴암 부조 등과 동실의 고기물, 서실의 각종 미술품 등이 부분적으로만 확인된다. 본관 2층의 전시는 공진회 때의 2층 동실의 조선 회화 중심, 2층 서실의 현대 회화 중심의 전시에 변화가 있었다. 변화의 핵심은 본관 1층 동실에 낙랑, 대방 등에서 발굴된 유물이 전시되었다는 것과 수정전 등에 중국 신강성에서 수집하여 온 유물들이 전시되고 있는 사실 정도이다. 본격적인 조선총독부박물관 전시실의 구성 내용을 확인할 수 있는 시기는 1926년으로 보인다. 1926년의 전시는 큰 변화가 있다고 할 수 없지만 유물의 시대순 정리와 분류가 분명해졌다. 1930년대의 전시는 1933년과 1936년의 전시 내용을 통해 확인되는데, 1933년의 전시는 기본적으로 1920년대의 공간 구분의 큰 틀은 그대로 유지했으나, 진열장 내부의 전시 유물이 변했다. 특히 1936년 본관 상설 1층 전시는 진전된 연구가 보인다. 아울러 기초한 진열장과 전시 유물의 순서 변화도 보인다. 이상과 같이 조선총독부박물관의 전시를 볼 때는 공진회 미술관과 큰 차이가 없었다. 동선도 기본적으로 변화가 없어 건춘문을 지나 본관을 구경하고 사정전, 수정전, 경회루를 지나 탑들을 관람하고 박물관 사무실이 있던 자경전 앞을 지나 다시 본관으로 돌아가는 방식이었다. 1920년대와 1930년대 전시의 내용은 부분적으로 개편된 것은 사실이다. 특히 1층 중앙 홀의 진열장의 순서와 벽면을 이용하는 전시 방식의 개편은 확인하는데 어렵지 않다. 그리고 2층 회랑 전시의 경우도 독립장의 수치가 변화되었고, 제6실의 경우는 독립장의 사용방식을 바꾸어 내부에 가림판을 넣어서 활용하다가 통장의 형태로 전열장을 사용했다. 특히 1930년대로 가면 학술 조사의 진전과 연구 성과를 반영하여 고분 발굴품의 전시가 보다 정연해지는 모습도 보인다. 이러한 전시의 변화는 선수유물이 조선총독부박물관에 들어가면서 부득이 하게 진행되거나 아니면 조선총독부박물관의 전체 전시의 부분적인 개편 의도가 작용했던 것으로 보인다. 조선총독부박물관은 ‘역사적 진열법’에 의거하고 각 시대의 특질을 보여 주어 ‘문화 발달’의 단계를 인지하는데 편리한 ‘특수 진열법’을 병용하고 있었다. 실제로 조선총독부박물관은 식민통치를 위해 존재했기 때문에 이러한 논리는 전시 의도를 통해서도 그 내용을 파악하는 것이 어렵지 않다. Competitive exhibition in 1915 was formed promoting space where educate interior Chosun culture, oppressed Chosun dynasty, Japanese imperialism rather than excellent Chosun cutlture. The problem was that exhibition was lack of historical and cultural orientation. At the same time, throughout comparative exhibition, which relativizing actual politics and culture. Frequently, exhibition showed the efficiency of the Japanese government of general of Korea which was purpose of Japanese imperialism. Museum of art in 1915 competitive exhibition made of stone became main building for museum of Japanese government of general of Korea. Primary opened museum of Japanese government of general of Korea was not originally built for museum but technically art gallery. Museum of Japanese government of general of Korea’s exhibition in 1920s was begun from 1923 display. 1923 display involved 1<SUP>st</SUP>floor in museum of art in 1915 competitive exhibition which was Bhaisajyaguru in Namsan, Kyong-ju and carved part of Seokguram. Second floor of main building was displayed with east side of 1915 competitive exhibition paintings of Chosun, west side filled with modem paintings. The major transition was that east side of main building exhibited by relics from Nangnang, Daebang and artifacts from in Xinjiang, China. Earnest period when are able to figure the display of exhibition is 1926. This is the moment that they classified relics in periodic. Exhibitions in 1930s can be verified by 1933 and 1936’s exhibition. Basically, 1933 was kept 1920s’ space but relics been replaced. In particular, 1936s’ permanent exhibition of main building progressed with display case and formalities. With this, there were no especial changes between museum of Japanese government of general of Korea and museum art of competitive exhibition. Also, visitor’s movement was fundamentally same as before; starting from Kunchunmoon and see main building, followed by Sajungjun, Sujungjun, Gyeonghoeru pavilion with pagodas, back to main building in the end. It is true that they reorganized from 1920s. Particularly, orders of display case in main hall on first floor and using the surface of wall were clearly showed their reforming. In add, second floor exhibition differed with the numbers of individual cases. In the case of 6<SUP>th</SUP>room, they utilized whole case which was alternation from previous exhibition using splashback. As time went to 1930s, display of excavations from ancient tomb well-ordered in terms of researches, scientific investigation. These types of transition in exhibition indicate either inevitable effect of new relics or reforming intention of museum of Japanese government of general of Korea. Museum of Japanese government of general of Korea based on historical display principle and showed characters of each period so that using Special display principle jointly which was likely to understand cultural progression. Literally, museum of Japanese government of general of Korea was built for ruling colonies. In result, this logic clearly can be comprehended by intention of exhibition.

      • KCI등재

        재일조선인 역사 서술의 3·1운동에 대한 기억 : 재일조선인의 각종 역사교재와 임광철의 역사인식을 통해

        김인덕(Kim, In-Duck)(金仁德) 한일민족문제학회 2020 한일민족문제연구 Vol.38 No.-

        This study reviewed the contents of memories of the March First Independence Movement through the historical narrative system of the Korean residents’ community in Japan. The description of the March 1st Movement of Mindan(在日本大韓民国 民団) and The General Association of Korean Residents in Japan(在日本 朝鮮人総聯合会) can be seen as the basis for research by South Korea, Japan and North Korea. In the case of Mindan, the understanding of the March 1st Movement, a turning point in the movement, is believed to have led to the content. The General Association of Korean Residents in Japan(在日本朝鮮人総聯合会) actively evaluated the subject and historical significance of the March First movement from depicting Kim Il-sung family to Yoo Gwan-soon in their description. In fact, the narrative system for the March First Independence Movement by Koreans in Japan is thought to be the original form of historical textbooks and research during the Japanese Federation of Korean Residents in Japan (在日本朝鮮人連盟). The draft version of the Chosun History Textbook described the preparation process, situation of the March 1st, and the subsequent situation. The book called the outcome of the March First Independence Movement was that reform of Japanase colonial strategy of Korea and the establishment of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea. From The ‘Children’s History(어린이國史-下)’ introduced Wilson’s national self-determination of the people and the essence of the March first Independence Movement as a nationwide event. It also pointed the limitations of national representation. Specially, Lim Kwang-chul(林光澈)’s writings could be drawn keen attention in the research history of the March First Independence Movement of Korean residents in Japan. He tried to develop a discussion on the March First Independence Movement in a realistic demand in 「三一運動 に於ける歷史的なもの-一つの方法論的考察-」. In particular, he believed that it was necessary to understand the March First Movement dialectically from a practical point of view. Lim Kwang-chol developed discussions on three topics; first was causality, second was leadership and third was historical significance. First, he noted that the cause of the March first Independence Movement was the land survey project, which resulted in forced deceptive land exploitation. Second, he cited the feudal indigenous landlord class, specifically the Cheondoist and Christian forces as his leadership. Third, the historical significance of the March first Independence Movement was that the struggle(fight) is the only way for the Korean people to live. His book, ‘The History of Chosun’, Lim Gwang-cheol defined the March first Independence Movement as a part of the ‘Chosun’s idea of independence movement’. In his article, Lim Kwang-chul left the point that it should be paid attention to continued research on land issues related to the March First Independence Movement. His study of the March First Movement revealed the causuality, leadership and historical significance that contributed to the subsequent provision of a large narrative system for the March First Movement research. It is also true that the limitations of his research on the March First Independence Movement related to land issues after his research that have failed to produce full-fledged results since then. Especially, from international point of view, Lim Kwang-chul actively attempted to evaluate the March First Independence Movement. I looked at the memories of the March First Independence Movement of Koreans in Japan through various history textbooks and research achievements by Lim Kwang-chul. Memories of the March First Independence Movement have been changed with the passage of time. However, the perception of the revolutionary contents of the March First Independence Movement and the nature of the March First Independence Movement are not been 本研究は、3·1運動に関する在日朝鮮人社会の歴史記述体系による記憶 の内容を検討してみた。 在日本大韓民国民団と在日本朝鮮人総聯合会の3·1運動の記述は、国 内と日本、北朝鮮の研究を土台したものと見ることができる。在日本大韓民国 民団の場合「運動の転換点」という3·1運動への理解が代表的に、その内容 につながったと思われる。在日本朝鮮人総聯合会は3·1運動に対する叙述も 金日成一家中心の叙述から運動の主体と歴史的意義を積極的に評価し、柳 寛順に注目している。 実際、在日朝鮮人による3·1運動に対する叙述体系は、在日本朝鮮人連 盟時期の歴史教材と研究で確認するのが原型と考えられる。『朝鮮歷史敎材 草案』(上)では準備過程、当日の様子、その後の状況を述べ、3·1運動の 成果を日本の植民地朝鮮統治政策の改編と大韓民国臨時政府の樹立とし た。『어린이國史』(下)ではウィルソンの民族自決主義の紹介と3·1運動の本 質を全民族的事件として紹介している。そして、民族代表の限界を指摘してい る。 このような在日朝鮮人3·1運動の研究史では、林光澈の文章が注目され る。林光澈は、「三一運動に於ける歷史的なもの-一つの方法論的考察-」において現実的な要求から3·1運動について議論を展開しようとした。具体的に は、実践的観点から3·1運動を弁証法的に理解することが必要だということ だ。林光澈は3つのテーマについて議論を展開するが、①原因、②指導勢 力、③歴史的意義であった。第一に、3·1運動の原因を土地調査事業で強 制的欺瞞的な土地収奪があったという事実に着目した。第二に、彼は指導勢 力として封建的な土着地主階級、具体的には天道教勢力とキリスト教勢力を挙 げた。第三に、3·1運動の歴史的意義を取り上げるが、闘争だけが朝鮮民 族の生きる道だということだ。このような林光澈は『朝鮮歷史讀本』で、3·1運 動は“朝鮮の独立運動思想”の会期的なことと規定した。 林光澈は自身の文章で、3·1運動に対する土地問題と関連した持続的な 研究に関心が要請されるという点を残している。林光澈の3·1運動に関する研 究は、原因、指導層、歴史的意義を明らかにし、3·1運動研究の大きな叙 述体系を提供するのに寄与した。同氏の研究以降、土地問題に関する3·1運 動に対する研究が、以後本格的な成果を出せなかった限界を明確に記憶する ことも必要だ。特に国際的な視点で林光澈は三一運動の評価を積極的に試み た。 在日朝鮮人の3·1運動の記憶を各種歴史教材と林光澈の研究成果を通じ て見た。一時期を超えた3·1運動に対する記憶は、時間の流れとともに変わっ てきた。しかし、3·1運動が持つ革命的内容に対する認識と、3·1運動の本 質は変わらなかったと言える。

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