김교신의 무교회운동 재고: 그 목표와 한계

김용복(박사) ( Yong Bok Kim ) 한국복음주의신학회 2010 성경과신학 Vol.54 No.-

The purpose of this study is to reappraise the non-church[無敎會] movement of Kim Kyo-Shin. What did it mean to study the Bible for Kim? And how did he practice the result of the study in his life? In pursuit of the answers of these questions, the goals of the non-church movement and its limitations will be investigated. Kim’s non-church movement had two goals. The first one was to establish the true biblical Christianity in Chosun, and the other was to pioneer the national destiny by educating the faithful Christian believers. The true Christianity for Kim Kyo-Shin was to realize “total[全的] Christianity” or “Chosunsan(朝鮮産) Christianity” and he pursued these goals by criticizing formalistic and authoritarian Chosun Christianity of his days. In general, the characteristics of this movement have been evaluated from three aspects. First, it was against the existing church’s authoritarianism. He rejected traditionism and creedalism in the institutionalized churches. Second, it was an anti-missionary movement, which sought to establish the Chosunsan Christianity. Third, it was the people’s movement through his “Seodang(書堂) Bible Study” and publication of [Sungseo Chosun] (聖書朝鮮) Kim Kyo-Shin was a devout Christian who deeply loved his country, and tried to establish Chosunsan Christianity. One can easily credit his faith-movement called Chosunsan Christianity as the alternative Christianity in Korea. However, there are some problems in practice: First, the movement was to read the bible in a selective way. Second, the method of the faith-movement depended largely on Kim’s personal experience and biblical interpretation. Third, his Bible study was not oriented for common people but for the intellectual. Fourth, he focused too much on the intellectual aspect of the movement, and thereupon tended to be passive in participating in physical matters of the people during the Japanese regime.

일반대학원 운영의 문제와 개선 방안-독립성 찾기, 그리고 경쟁력 살 붙이기

김용복,Kim, Yong-Bok 한국대학교육협의회 2004 大學敎育 Vol.130 No.-

이 시대와 사회는 대학이 더 이상 상아탑이기를 허락하지 않는다. 이제 상아탑속의 상아탑이었던 일반대학원 조차도 학문연구라는 소명과 정열의 잣대에서가아니라 수요와 공급의 법칙에 따라 재단되고 있는 현실이다.

다수 표적을 공격하는 편대항공기의 최적작전시간 결정 모형

김용복,민계료,Kim Yong-Bok,Min Gye-Ryo 한국국방경영분석학회 1992 한국국방경영분석학회지 Vol.18 No.1

Up to the present, the operating time has been studied on only a single aircraft attacking a single target or multiple targets under enemy threats. This study is to determine optimal operating time and appropriate size of aircrafts attacking multiple targets. Measures of mission effectiveness is defined through derivation of the probability of the various events associated with operating. By using these measures, the expected benefit of operating and the expected cost of operating are generated as a function of time. To formulate operating time determination model, the expected gain of operating is defined as the difference between the expected benefit of operating and the expected cost of operating. The model can be used to determine optimal operating time which maximizes the expected gain of operating, and can be used as the basis for determining the appropriate size of aircrafts.

한국 민주주의의 발전과 정당정치: 최장집교수의 정당민주주의론에 대한 비판적 고찰

김용복 ( Yong Bok Kim ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2012 민족문화연구 Vol.56 No.-

Choi Jang-jip argues for the conservative complacency of Korea``s democratic system. Also he explains the extreme instability of the party structure, the lack of proper systematization of Korea``s political parties, and their failure to handle socioeconomic problems on behalf of the Korean people. He suggests that the establishment of mass political party and the reforms of the electorl system such as the proportional representational system is needed for the activation of party politics and the development of democracy. So he conclude that the foundation for the ordinary people``s participation in politics should be widened and the political parties should regain their representation for the substantial democracy.

교회본질과 그 은유에 대한 역사적, 성서적, 조직신학적 이해

김용복(Kim, Yong-Bok) 한국침례신학대학교 출판부 2018 복음과 실천 Vol.61 No.1

한국침례교회 규약과 신앙고백의 교회론적 의미

김용복(Kim, Yong-Bok) 한국침례신학대학교 출판부 2019 복음과 실천 Vol.63 No.1

일본 선거제도 개혁과 석패율제도의 효과: 한국에의 시사점

김용복 ( Yong Bok Kim ) 서울대학교 한국정치연구소 2010 한국정치연구 Vol.19 No.3

The Japanese present election system is a combination of the single-seat constituency system and proportional representation. The combined election system was adopted and went into effect to replace the long-standing multi-seat medium-sized constituency election system, which was abolished in January 1994 by a revision of the Public Offices Election Law. Under the system, out of 480 Members, 300 are elected from single-member districts(SMD) and remaining 180 by proportional representation in which the nation is divided into II electoral blocs which according to size return between six and 30 Members. Voters cast two ballots: first, one for an individual candidate in the single-seat constituency, and second, one for a political party in the proportional representation election. The Japanese system is unique in the way the SMD tier interacts with the PR tier. That candidates could run in both tiers, and that the losers in the SMD could be resurrected in the PR. This article argues the positive and negative aspects of the sekihairitsu rule and analysis the political effects of the sekihairitsu rule. The focus of election system reforms in Korea is the enlargement of PR system and the introduction of sekihairitsu rule. The sekihairitsu rule will promote the competition of the intro-party candidates who are not elected from single-seat constituencies. Therefore this rule results in the reinforcement of party activities at the regional level.

민주화 이후 정당정치와 대통령리더십

김용복 ( Yong Bok Kim ) 민주화운동기념사업회 2007 기억과 전망 Vol.17 No.-

This paper investigates the relations between the parry politics and the Korean presidential leadership after democratization. It is very important for the president to obtain the consents of the parties and the Members of Parliament for a successful policy process. Especially in the case of the divided government, the presidential leadership needs a capacity for a persuasion of and a negotiation with the politician of the opposition party. However the efforts to overcome the divided government problems after democratization were the authoritarian practices such as the ruling party bringing in the opposition party politicians through blackmails and conciliations and rusulted in the extreme confrontations. It is necessary to elect a able president and reform the political instituions for a efficient presidential leadership such as the enlargement of the PR, Intra-party reforms, and the existing form of government reform.

금융자유화와 일본의 금융개혁

김용복(Kim Yong-Bok) 21세기정치학회 2003 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.13 No.2

Japanese Financial system which contributed to Japanese miracle has been confronted with the financial liberalization pressure, and increased its vulnerability after the collapse of Bubble economy. In the 1980s domestic and international pressures led to a gradual reform in Japanese financial system. Especially the United States was applying heavy pressure on Japan to open its financial market. Financial liberalization in Japan was dependent on bureaucrat initiative during 1980s. However the politician began to intervene the financial liberalization policy after the financial crisis of 1997 and the financial reforms including the financial Big Bang and the resolution of bad-loan was implemented radically. Consequently liberalization in Japan was a more protracted process. Theses characteristics of financial liberalization and the bad-loan problem led to the 1997 financial crisis.

국제협상에 있어 일본의 대응전략: WTO 농산물 협상을 중심으로

김용복 ( Yong Bok Kim ) 현대일본학회 2006 일본연구논총 Vol.24 No.-