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간찰을 통해 본 扶安金氏家의 교유관계 : 陶菴 李?가 醉醒堂 金守宗에게 보낸 親筆 簡札을 중심으로
김상환(Kim Sang-hwan) 한국학중앙연구원 2004 장서각 Vol.- No.12
Ganchal (簡札, handwritten letters) was one of the most widely used forms of written communication by which the men of old could exchange information among themselves. The form and substance of ganchal differed according to the relationship between the sender and the recipient. Studies on ganchal are stagnant because ganchal is not only hard to understand but illegible in most cases due to the difficulty in understanding the writing style in cursive (草書) or semi-cursive (行書) script. This paper analyzes the contents and the characteristics on ganchal which was sent by Lee Jae (李縡, 1680~1746, pen name of Doam 陶菴) to Kim Soo-Jong (金守宗, 1671~1736, pen name of Chwiseongdang 醉醒堂) and has been handed down within the Buan Kim family since then. this study shows the aspects of their companionship. Lee Jae is from Woobong Lee clan (牛峯李氏) and Kim Soo-Jong is from Buan Kim clan (扶安金氏). They were closely related to each other because the two families were connected through marriage in that the mother of Kim Soo-Jong was a daughter of Lee Man-Hee (李晩熙) from the Woobong Lee clan. Of the 50 ganchal sent to Kim Soo-Jong by Lee Jae, 19 included in the book entitled Gancheop (間帖, Collection of Ganchal) and 31 in Doam sudok (陶菴手牘, Handwritten Letters by Doam) have been handed down to date. These 50 ganchal were not included in the Doamjip (陶菴集, Collection of Doam's Works) at all, and Kim Soo-Jong's works were not published in the form of a book in his life time, much less posthumously. However, the ganchal with which literary men like Lee Jae and the family of Kim Soo-Jong corresponded are very valuable materials to Buan Kim clan, resulting in the publication of collected works. Gandok (簡牘, Printed Version of Ganchal from Doam and Other Scholars) is one book divided into three chapters with 116 ganchal sent by 44 people. The third chapter includes 28 ganchal sent by Lee Jae sent to Kim Soo-Jong. Lee Jae, a scholar in the late Joseon dynasty period (朝鮮), was an outstanding scholar in calligraphy. The characteristics of the 50 ganchal which he sent to Kim Soo-Jong are as below: First, ganchal written by his own hand with which he corresponded with Kim Soo-Jong for 41 years from 1701 to 1742. Second, Lee Jae lived in Seoul, Injae (麟蹄) in Gangwon Province, and then Hwajeon (花田) in Goyang, etc, and Kim Soo-Jong lived in Wooban-dong in Buan. Third, ganchal was not sent or received from Doam when Kim Soo-Jong was involved in the Musin Rebellion (戊申亂) of 1728 and suffered hardships. This seems to be due to his attempt to avoid any suspicion of being linked to the rebellion. Fourth, the content of the ganchal varied, ranging from asking after the welfare of the recipient as well as the daily activities in purchasing and management of the farm. Due to the fact that the Woobong Lee clan and the Buan Kim clan were related by marriage, not only Lee Jae but four generations from his grandfather, Lee Suk (李?, 1626~1688), and his father's older brother, Lee Man-Sung (李晩成, 1659~1722), to his son, Lee Jae-Won (李濟遠), and a niece of collateral family corresponded with each other. The contents of ganchal are various as follows ① asking after the welfare; ② sending of condolences; ③ sending of gifts or expressing gratitude for gift and warm friendship; ④ introducing his friend who was being exiled and asking for adequate arrangements for him; ⑤ sending of congratulations and admonitions; ⑥ entrusting of household affairs; ⑦ writer's recent state of affairs. The contents of ganchal, however, did not contain scholarly attainments, moral cultivation, opinions on the current state of politics. Through ganchal, the scholars of old kept in touch with each other by exchanging news of neighboring families, relatives, friends, and the government. If we analyze ganchal in conjunction with other documentary records, ganchal can become a valuable foundation for understanding matters that cannot be clearly understood through other material
김상환(Kim, Sang-Hwan) 부산경남사학회 2014 역사와 경계 Vol.91 No.-
본 논문은 3.1운동 이후 통영청년단을 비롯한 청년운동의 발전과정을 살펴보고, 그 과정에서 나타난 ‘김기정 징토운동’이 통영지역에서 항일운동으로까지 전화되어가는 과정을 검토해보았다. 1919년 7월 창립된 통영청년단은 지역사회운동과 항일운동의 중심이었다. 통영청년단의 멤버들은 다수의 다른 청년단체에 복수의 멤버십으로 가담하기도 했으며, 시대의 조류와 중앙의 청년단체들의 변화에 부응하면서 발전해 갔다. 즉 1925년에는 통영지역에도 ‘정의단’, ‘거화동맹’, ‘안우회’, ‘사과실탄티’ 같은 사상단체도 만들어 지고, 청년조직들도 청년동맹으로 변화되어 가기도 했던 것이다. 김기정 사건에서도 이들은 함께 ‘민정회’를 출범시켜 한시적인 임무수행을 위해 ‘특별위원회’의 위상을 부여하였다. 각 청년조직들이 이렇게 별도의 조직을 만들어가면서 개별단체들이 한계를 극복해 나갔다. 김기정 징토운동은 경상남도 도 평의회에서의 김기정의 발언이 단초가 되었고, 통영 사상단체의 효시인 ‘정의단’에서 활동한 김원석의 징토문 살포로 촉발되었다. 게다가 경찰 출신자들의 모임이자 친일 단체인 ‘삼구회’라는 친일조직에 대한 통영민들의 반감으로 항일의식은 더욱 고취되었다. 김원석의 전격구속에 이은 3월 25일의 보고대회가 진행되어 김기정에 대한 징토운동운동이 확산되어가는 시점에 김기정이 관선 도 평의원으로 재임 된다든지, 5월 9일 앞의 보고대회 집행위원 11인을 추가 구속함으로써 사건은 증폭되었다. 3월 15일부터 시작된 이 운동은 동년 5월 15일까지 두 차례에 걸쳐 도합 33인이 구속되고 김기정이 공직에서 사퇴함으로 마무리 되었다. 이 운동을 주도한 것은 ‘통영청년단’을 비롯한 지역의 청년조직이었다. 이 운동이 두 달 동안 지속되어 목적을 달성할 수 있었던 것은 전적으로 통영지역민의 일치단결된 항일의식과 민족반역자에 대한 분노였다. 통영지역의 김기정 징토운동은 지역을 넘어 전국으로, 해외로까지 알려져 일제의 식민지 지배정책 가운데 내선일체에 대한 허구를 공격하고, 부일협력자에 대한 경종을 울려주었다. This thesis examines Tongyeong Youth Union as well as the youth’s movement after the 3·1 Independence Movement. Also, the thesis has identified the process in which the ‘Punish-Movement Ki-jeong Kim’ has evolved into an anti-Japanese movement. The Tongyeong Youth Union which was established in July 1919, was the center of the regional society movement and the anti-Japanese movement. The members of Tongyeong Youth Union participated simultaneously in other numerous youth associations and continued developing after adapting to and fulfilling the changes which the central youth organizations underwent with the tides of the times. In other words, an organization advocating a particular system of ideology emerged in Tongyeong 1925, such as ‘Jeongeuidan’, ‘Geohwa-alliance’, ‘Ahnwoohwae’, ‘Sagwasiltanti’ and other organizations. Moreover, youth organizations transformed into youth alliances. Also in the ‘Ki-jeong Kim Incident’, the youths established the ‘Minjeonghwae’ and for carrying out temporary duties, they also appointed the status of special commission. Each and every youth organization established these separate organizations, which supported independent organizations to overcome limits. The ‘Punish-Movement Ki-jeong Kim’ was triggered by Won-seok Kim (an individual who had participated in the ‘Jeongeuidan (the first ideology organization in Tongyeong))’s Punish-Movement and also by Ki-jeong Kim’s remark during the Gyeongsangnam-do provincial council. Furthermore, the pro-Japanese organization ‘Samgoohwae’, consisting of personnel with backgrounds as policemen and in pro-Japanese organization, had forced the people of Tongyeong to foster a sense of rebellion towards the Japanese during this organization’s development. Following the imprisonment of Won-seok Kim, a briefing conference had been held on the 25th of March when ‘Punish-Movement Ki-jeong Kim’ was expanding. This period marked a point when Ki-jeong Kim was to be repositioned for office by the government as a provincial councillor, and marked the amplification of the incidence when 11 more member of the executive committee (briefing conference) were imprisoned on the 9th of May. This movement, which started on the 15th of March, resulted in 33 total individuals being imprisoned until the 15th of May and ended with Ki-jeong Kim’s resignation from public office. Those who led this movement were nonetheless, the Tongyeong Youth Union and the region’s youth organizations. The reasons as to how this movement continued for two months were down to the unanimity of Tongyeong residents’ anti-Japanese sentiment and the rage felt towards traitors. The ‘Punish-Movement Ki-jeong Kim’ of the Tongyeong region spread across the nation to overseas, which attached the fabrication of the ‘Naeseon Ilche (‘Korea and Japan are One’ policy) which was part of Japan’s policy of domination. Lastly, it sounded the alarm for those who acted for the Japanese domination over Korea; traitors.
김상환(Sang-Hwan Kim),김창수(Chang-Su Kim) 대한전기학회 2011 전기학회논문지 Vol.60 No.2
In this paper, we propose an algorithm for generating panoramic videos using fixed multiple cameras. We estimate a background image from each camera. Then we calculate perspective relationships between images using extracted feature points. To eliminate stitching errors due to different image depths, we process background images and foreground images separately in the overlap regions between adjacent cameras by projecting regions of foreground images selectively. The proposed algorithm can be used to enhance the efficiency and convenience of wide-area surveillance systems.
김상환(Sang-Hwan Kim),문상훈(Sang-Hoon Moon),이혜리(Hye-Ree Lee),이덕철(Duk-Chul Lee) 대한임상노인의학회 2005 대한임상노인의학회지 Vol.6 No.2
연구 배경: 연구가 진행됨에 따라 50대 이상의 성인에게서 나타나는 기억력 저하가 연령 증가에 동반되는 독립적인 실체라기보다 알츠하이머병의 전 단계일 가능성이 높다는 것이 알려지고 있다. 본 연구는 50대 이상 성인의 인지기능과 치매와 관련된 위험인자들과의 관련성을 살펴보고자 한다. 방법: 2004년 10월부터 2005월 2월까지 서울시내 대학병원 1곳, 병원 1곳, 경기지역 종합병원 1곳에서 건강검진을 받는 사람들을 대상으로 하였으며 K-MMSE를 이용하여 인지기능 평가를 하였다. 24점 이상 28점 이하인 군을 기억장애군으로, 29점 이상인 군을 정상군으로 나누고 이 두군간에 분석을 시행하였다. 결과: 연구대상자는 남자 209명, 여자 207명으로 전체 416명이다. 정상군에서 고졸, 대졸 이상인 경우가 상대적으로 많았으며(P<0.001), 기억장애군에서 현재 흡연 중인 경우(P=0.008)와 고혈압을 가진 경우가 상대적으로 많았다(P<0.001). K-MMSE 세부항목 중, 기억회상의 평균 점수는 기억장애군 1.6± 0.8점, 정상군 2.6±0.5점이며, 주의집중 및 계산의 평균 점수는 기억장애군 3.5±1.1점, 정상군 4.8±0.4점으로 기억장애군이 낮았다. 인지기능(기억장애)에 미치는 영향에 대한 로지스틱 회귀분석 결과, 학력, 흡연력, 고혈압이 유의한 것으로 나타났다. 학력의 경우, 초졸 이하에 비해 교차비는 중졸 0.38 (95% 신뢰구간 0.15~0.97), 고졸 0.20 (0.09~0.45), 대졸 이상 0.10 (0.04~0.25)로 기억장애가 각각 감소하였다. 또한 현재 흡연 중인 경우 2.3배, 고혈압의 경우 2.7배 기억장애가 증가하였다. 결론: 본 연구에서는 50세 이상 성인에서 인지기능저하(기억장애)는 나이, 학력, 흡연, 고혈압과 관련이 있는 것으로 나타났다. MMSE 28점 이하인 대상자들에서도 기억 검사와 같은 추후 검사가 필요하리라 본다. Background: Recently, there is known that memory impairment in elders above 50 years old is not independent age-associated problem but preclinical stage of Alzheimer's disease. The objectives of our study were to determine the relation of cognitive function and dementia-related risk factors in elders above 50 years old. Methods: We examined persons that admitted in health promotion center of one college hospital, one hospital in seoul and one hospital in Kyung-gi do. We checked Korean version of MMSE (K-MMSE) and divided two groups. We named that one group of above 29 score is memory impairment group and other group of 24~28 score is normal cognitive group. Results: There were 209 men and 207 women. In the normal cognitive group, persons were with higher education level of high school or college (P<0.001), less current smoking (P=0.008) and hypertension (P<0.001). In subcategories of K-MMSE, average scores of delayed recall were lower in the memory impairment group (1.6±0.8) than in the normal group (2.6±0.5) and average scores of concentration or calculation were lower in the memory impairment group (3.5±1.1) than in the normal group (4.8±0.4). Logistic regression yielded education level, smoking and hypertension to be independent predictors of the lower MMSE score. The risk of memory impairment was decreased in persons with higher education level of high school or college vs of elementary school (adjusted OR 0.20; 95% CI, 0.09~0.45 for high school, adjusted OR 0.10; 95% CI, 0.04~0.25 for above college). The risk of memory impairment was increased 2.3-fold in persons with current smoking and 2.7-fold with hypertension. Conclusion: We found the relationship between cognitive decline (memory impairment) and dementia- related risk factors (aging, education, smoking and hypertension).
金尙煥(Sangwhan Kim) 한국경제연구학회 2009 한국경제연구 Vol.26 No.-
본 연구는 Frankel and Wei(1994)의 환율회귀모형에 구조변화(structural change) 검증방법을 적용하여 사실상의(de facto) 환율제도가 시간에 따라 어떠한 변화를 보이는가를 분석하였다. 한국과 태국 등 동아시아 5개국의 환율제도를 분석한 결과, 경직적인 환율제도가 운용되던 아시아 금융위기 이전기간이나 변동환율제도로 전환한 위기 이후기간 모두 각국 정부는 공식적인(de jure) 환율제도에 구애받지 않고 대내외 경제여건에 따라 신축적으로 사실상의 환율제도를 운용하여 왔던 것으로 분석되었다. 특히, 위기 이후의 구조변화패턴을 보면, 분석대상 국가 모두에서 엔화의 비중이 뚜렷하게 높아지는 모습을 보였으나 2006년 이후 국제 금융시장이 불안해지면서 다시 달러화에 대한 고정화 정도가 강해지는 양상을 보이고 있다. 따라서 위기 이후 동아시아 지역에서 엔화의 영향력이 강화되었던 것은 사실이지만 국제금융시장이 안정된 상황에 국한된 현상으로 이해하여야 할 것이다. Since Frankel and Wei(1994) first applied the exchange rate regression model to test de facto exchange rate regime vs. de jure regime, many economists followed them to test whether the de jure exchange rate regime is actually operational in the diverse currency markets. However, most empirical works implicitly assumed no structural breaks in the exchange rate regimes. This paper analysed exchange rate regime changes over time in East Asian countries by applying testing procedures for structural changes. Empirical results confirmed the suspicion that most East Asian governments intervened in their currency market in response to external and domestic shocks regardless of their proclaimed exchange rate regime. After the Asian financial crisis in 1997, Japanese Yen exerted stronger effects on Asian currency values. But as the international financial market became turbulent, US dollar once again emerged as the anchor currency.