THE USE OF DIALOGUES FOR TEACHING COMMUNICATIVE COMPETENCE

김남국 한국강원영어영문학회 1990 영어영문학 Vol.- No.9

외국어 교육의 목표는 학습자의 외국어 사용능력 즉 의사소통능력을 향상시키는 데 있다. 오래전부터 dialogue를 이용한 외국어 교육이 성행해 왔다. 그러나 오늘날까지도 교육현장에서 dialogues는 주로 언어적인 면(구문 위주의 문법적인 면)이 제시되었고 학습자는 그것을 반복과 암기를 통하여 자동적으로 발화될 수 있도록 하는 데 교육의 역점을 두었다. 본고에서는 dialogue를 단순한 언어적인 면의 기술 뿐만 아니라 의사소통 상황에서 생활의 실제표현으로서 제시하고자 하였으며, 또한 대화의 여러가지 특성을 살펴 보았다. 대화자는 의사소통 상황에서 의사소통능력이 없으면 의사소통이 불가능하다. Canale와 Swain은 의사소통능력이 구성하고 있는 요소로서 4가지 능력, 즉 문법능력, 사회문화적 능력, 담화능력, 그리고 전략능력을 제시하였다. 의사소통상황에서 원만한 의사소통이 이루어 지려면 학습자는 문법적인 능력의 향상 뿐만 아니라 사회문화적 능력, 담화능력, 전략능력을 함께 향상시켜야 한다. 이러한 점에서 본고는 Canale와 Swain의 이론을 토대로 삼아 dialogue를 이용하여 외사소통능력의 구성요소인 개별능력을 향상시키는 학습활동과 개별능력을 통합시키는 학습활동의 예를 제시하여 학습자의 의사소통능력을 향상시키는 방법을 모색하였다.

다문화의 도전과 사회통합: 영국, 프랑스, 미국 비교 연구

김남국 한국유럽학회 2010 유럽연구 Vol.28 No.3

This paper examines multicultural policies and different principles of social integration in three western countries: Britain, France, and the USA. Each country shows the different model of social integration that can be named as liberal deliberative multiculturalism for Britain, republican civic assimilation for France,and libertarian benign neglect for the USA. I explore the strengths and weaknesses of these models and seek possible lessons for the future of Korea. Before the full scale discussion, this paper first suggests the three stage model of multicultural development, the location of countries according to integration type and citizenship tradition, and structure and agency toward multicultural policy outcomes. With these methodological tools, I provide the result of a preliminary analysis about the current situation of three countries. Through the combination of a historical institutionalism approach and philosophical interpretation of public policy, this paper targets a comprehensive understanding of each country on how to shape its multicultural and social integration policy considering convergence under globalization as well as divergence under cultural constraints. 이 연구는 영국, 프랑스, 미국 세 나라의 다문화 사회현상과 서로 다른 다문화 정책을 비교하고 각 국의 사회통합 원칙을 자유주의적 심의다문화주의, 공화주의적 시민동화주의, 자유방임주 적 선의의 묵인으로 개념화하여 세 가지 통합 원칙의 장, 단점을 고찰함으로써 다문화 사회의 도전에 직면하고 있는 한국의 미래에 대한 함의를 도출하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 본격적인 내용의 논의에 앞서 이 논문에서는 소기의 연구목적을 달성하기 위한 3국 비교의 틀을 어떻게 만들 수 있는가에 초점을 맞춰 시론적인 논의를 진행한다. 다문화주의 이행의 3단계 모델이나 다문화 정책을 결정하는 구조와 수준별 행위자, 시민권의 전통과 사회통합을 변수로 본 각국의 다문화주의 지형 등이 필자가 제시하는 이론 틀이고 이 틀에 근거하여 영국, 프랑스, 미국 세 나라를 어떻게 비교할 수 있는가에 대해 기초적인 연구결과를 설명한다.

한국 대학생 영어 중간언어의 사과화행 분석 및 적합도 평가

김남국 한국중앙영어영문학회 2008 영어영문학연구 Vol.50 No.2

The purpose of this study is to investigate the speech act of apology of Korean EFL learners and to assess the appropriateness of the speech act of apology to the particular situations. The study employed 139 Korean learners of English and divided those subjects into two groups, Group A(74 students with TOEIC scores about 800), and Group B(65 students with TOEIC scores about 400). This study used 10 discourse completion tasks to elicit the subjects’s apology utterances and 9 kinds of apology strategies to classify the apology utterances. Ten judges (5 native English teachers and 5 non-native English teachers) assessed the learners’ performances of 10 apology situations. The findings are as follows. ① The apology strategies used are illocutionary force indicating devices, explanation, acknowledgement of responsibility, offer of repair, upgrader, downgrader, discourse marker, promise of forbearance, and denial. ② There is a significant difference between the advanced learners and intermediate learners in the use of apology strategies. Advanced learners use strategies much more frequently than intermediate learners. ③ There is a significant difference among the socio-cultural variables in the use of apology strategies. ④ The overall appropriateness level of Korean EFL learners’ performances of apology is between ‘often inappropriate’ and ‘slightly appropriate’. ⑤ There is no difference between the two groups of judges, native and non-native English teachers in the assessment of the subjects’ performances of 10 apology tasks.

Constitution and Citizenship in a Multicultural Korea: Limitations of a Republican Approach

김남국 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2007 Korea Journal Vol.47 No.4

From Modern Power to a Postmodern Example: The Evolution of the European Union

김남국,Viviana Passoni 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2010 International Area Studies Review Vol.13 No.3

The world has its eyes set on the future direction of the European Union waiting for either a signal of stability and authority which can be the beginning of a new superpower era or expecting to catch any failure or contradiction that can be interpreted as a clear symbol of decline. Why is so much attention paid towards the development of European Union and to its future evolution? The answer can be summarized by the fact that Europe is the contemporary model of a unique and exceptional international player, which has gone through a period of political-military power in the 19th century and then shifted to the new direction of civilian-institutional power in the 21st century. The world wishes to find out whether this strategy will pay back, set an example of a different choice for other nations in the near future to adopt, and become the goal to reach for the world as a whole. There are various opinions sometimes conflicting with one another; this paper takes a look at the major views on the evolution of the EU and touches some of the major challenges for the future of the Union worthy of consideration and deeper reflection.

Consensus Democracy as an Alternative Model in Korean Politics

김남국 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2008 Korea Journal Vol.48 No.4

This paper is a deontological justification of consensus democracy as an alternative model in Korean politics. Korea has experienced a crisis of representation marked by increasing exclusion of the voices of social minorities and a crisis of solidarity in which there is an absence of sufficient trust between social minorities and majorities. To solve these crises, this paper argues the need for a paradigm shift from majoritarian democracy to consensus democracy. Majoritarian democracy does not work properly as Korean society has undergone various, new cleavages from below, resulting in a widening gap between winners and losers. In contrast, consensus democracy in the form of a parliamentary system, proportional representation, and federalism may be an alternative model that could resolve people’s current discontent over Korean politics. However, many scholars criticize the inefficiency of consensus democracy based on consequentialist reasoning, which traces the result or effect of a certain policy in order to judge whether it is desirable or not. This paper argues against such criticism from the viewpoint of deontological reasoning in which a certain policy is supported as long as it bears its own value based on its capacity for normative rationalization. This paper is a deontological justification of consensus democracy as an alternative model in Korean politics. Korea has experienced a crisis of representation marked by increasing exclusion of the voices of social minorities and a crisis of solidarity in which there is an absence of sufficient trust between social minorities and majorities. To solve these crises, this paper argues the need for a paradigm shift from majoritarian democracy to consensus democracy. Majoritarian democracy does not work properly as Korean society has undergone various, new cleavages from below, resulting in a widening gap between winners and losers. In contrast, consensus democracy in the form of a parliamentary system, proportional representation, and federalism may be an alternative model that could resolve people’s current discontent over Korean politics. However, many scholars criticize the inefficiency of consensus democracy based on consequentialist reasoning, which traces the result or effect of a certain policy in order to judge whether it is desirable or not. This paper argues against such criticism from the viewpoint of deontological reasoning in which a certain policy is supported as long as it bears its own value based on its capacity for normative rationalization.

Saving Human Rights from Cultural Relativism with Compassion

김남국,김동헌 고려대학교 평화와 민주주의연구소 2014 평화연구 Vol.22 No.1

How can we justify the idea of universal human rights? Can wesave universal human rights from cultural relativism with compassionrather than reason? Reason has served as the predominant basis ofhuman rights since the era of Enlightenment. However, an adequatesource of human rights required today is decisively universal, but atthe same time considerably sensitive to the abundant diversity ofmoral values. We respond to this question by critically examining thehuman rights theories of Richard Rorty and Martha Nussbaum, alongwith moral sentiment theories of David Hume and Adam Smith. Weargue first that moral sentiment is no less a foundational source thancontextual; second, compassion rather than reason constitutes thefoundational source of human beings. In developing each point, wesubject to careful analysis of Hume's view on the foundation ofmorality and Smith's idea of the impartial spectator. Reason andcompassion are both essential for an individual to be moral, but, moreimportantly, we argue that compassion is the source of moralitywhich makes every human being entitled to universal human rights.

Asia of Citizens beyond Asia of States: Regional Community Building in East Asia

김남국 한국국방연구원 2018 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.30 No.1

Recent security challenges in East Asia have provided an opportunity to realize the need for community building as a way of detouring military deadlock. This paper suggests two principles of community building in East Asia: (1) identity balanced by interest, and (2) an Asia of citizens beyond an Asia of states. These principles can be applied to the community building sub-areas of politico–economic, security, and sociocultural cooperation. The author examines the following topics accordingly: (a) an invalid concept of the “Asian paradox” and the statement made by Japan’s prime Minister Shinzo Abe in the politico–economic area; (b) the Helsinki Accord and the EU Global strategy with their implication for East Asia in the security area; and (c) the Campus Asia program and the Asian Human Rights Court as a means to encourage sociocultural cooperation. With its complicated history of animosity and low levels of intraregional trade, fostering a shared identity and finding common interests in East Asia is no easy task. If some identities are given and others are chosen, it is important to manage the negative effects of identity and encourage the positive influence of its chosen dimensions.

한국인 영어 학습자의 의사소통능력 평가

김남국 강원대학교 어학교육원 , 1994 어학연구 Vol.1 No.-

EndoscrubⓇ을 이용한 부비동 내시경수술이 수술시간에 미치는 효과

김남국,오현명,김주영,최동진,김위황,이장수 대한이비인후과학회 부산,울산,경남 지부회 2013 임상이비인후과 Vol.24 No.2

Background and Objectives:Endoscopic sinus surgery (ESS) is an effec- tive treatment for chronic sinusitis and nasal polyposis. But during opera- tion, foggy or contaminated endoscopic lenz takes long time for operation to clean lenz. To solve this problem, the EndoscrubⓇ has been used from the 1990s. It dramatically improved visualization and reduced operation ti- me during surgery. This study is aimed at evaluating the effect of the EndoscrubⓇ on operation time required for ESS. Materials and Methods:We investigated operation time in 60 patients underwent both ESS for chronic rhinosinusitis. We perfomed ESS using EndoscrubⓇ on side and not using EndoscrubⓇ on the other side. The operation time was then compared with the preoperative computed tomographic staging and surgery scores. Results:The time requirement for ESS by using EndoscrubⓇ, operation time were much lower in using EndoscrubⓇ group than not using EndoscrubⓇ group. Conclusion:The EndoscrubⓇ is a very useful instrument for ESS and it can reduce operation time during ESS.