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19세기 어느 성리학자의 家作과 그 지향 - 金興洛家 사례
김건태 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2011 한국문화 Vol.55 No.-
The purpose of this paper is to explore the basic structure of agriculture in the late Choson, with the case of the family farming of Confucian Kim Heung-rak who was the head of Confucian scholars in Gyeongsang prefecture in the late nineteenth century. Confucian Kim did not tried to make an effort to increase his family’s property but to find the way of a save-the-nation and appeasing the people, when the nation and the people confronted with the crisis. In fact, because he owned the bulk of farmland(around 500 doorak) and labor powers (around 50 nobi families),he would have cultivated larger lands. However, he farmed small part of his owned lands (just around 15 doorak). Insead, he tried to diversify the products in upland field cropping. Due to diversifying the products in upland field cropping based on advanced agricultural techniques like keunjong (two crops a year 根種)and kanjong (intercropping 間種), Confucian Kim and the farmers in the Andong area in the nineteenth century could harvest more grains. Intensive farming represented as small quantity batch production (多品種 少量生産)is very different characteristic from mass production of a few selected items (少品種大量生産) of capitalist-farming. Generally, the capitalist-farming pursues labor productivity increase. The farmer pursuing the capitalist-farming selects and cultivates the grains capable of raising profits the most, and he buys the other grains not being cultivated by him at the market. By the way, the farmers doing small quantity batch production maintain much stabler life than the farmers doing mass production of a few selected items, because the former can product diverse products they need. They are not worried even if their farm surpluses are not sold, because they just sell the extra products they spend on. Considering on these facts, it seems that Confucian Kim and the people in the Andong in the nineteenth century hoped to live a secure life together, not selecting the way of coexistence in between opportunity [rich farmer] and crisis [poor farmer]; that is, Confucian Kim made an effort to find the way of appeasing the people.
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Distinctive Characteristics of the Joseon Dynasty’s Fiscal Policy in the Nineteenth Century
김건태 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2007 Korea Journal Vol.47 No.2
The aim of this paper is to examine the problems with the Joseon gov-ernments fiscal policy that led to the peasant rebellions of the nine-teenth century. The paper reveals the following problems in its fiscalpolicy. Local governments did not fulfill the quota of persons allocatedto each district in compiling the hojeok, thus rendering the householdgrading system inefficient in achieving its stated aim of equitable taxa-tion. Moreover, the lack of flexibility in the administration of house-holds imposed a further burden on the peasantry. This lack of flexibili-ty was also clear in the land tax system, which imposed a heavy bur-den on the peasantry due to the policy of collecting a fixed amountwithout regard to annual harvest variations. A further issue in poorharvest years was the uniform reduction of land tax instead of a morecareful assessment of each parcel of land. As a consequence, even peas-ants with no harvest at all due to land damage were forced to pay aland tax. The landlord exploited this situation to transfer the burden ofthe land tax to the tenant peasants. These problems in implementingtaxation policies constituted an important cause of the peasant rebel-lions in the nineteenth century.
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국내 일간신문이 주가 수익률에 미치는 영향 및 투자자별 성과분석
김건태,황수성 한국재무학회 2015 한국재무학회 학술대회 Vol.2015 No.05
대중매체를 통해 전달되는 정보는 주식투자자의 의사결정에 영향을 끼치며 주식가격을 결 정하는 요인 중 하나이다. 본고에서는 개별 기업의 신문기사의 양과 주식수익률 간의 관계를 기업특성을 고려하여 분석하였다. 신문기사에 전혀 노출되지 않은 기업의 주식이 신문기사에 많이 노출된 기업의 주식에 비해 언론보도 당월의 수익률은 낮지만 익월의 수익률 반전에 의 해 기사가 없는 주식의 수익률이 더 높아진다. 이와 같은 반전의 크기는 시가총액이 커질수록, 과거 수익률이 낮을수록 그리고 기업의 내재가치가 낮을수록 높다. 투자자들은 긍정적 보도에 과민반응하며, 부정적 보도에 과소반응하고 있다. 언론보도양을 고려한 매매전략의 성과는 세 투자자 모두 떨어지며 그중에서도 기관투자자가 가장 크게 손해를 보고 있다. 언론보도효과에 대한 강건성 분석결과 이러한 효과는 단기적 수익률 반전에 의해 생겨났다.
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김건태 역사학회 2004 역사학보 Vol.0 No.181
In classifying Korean private nobi into resident nobi and outside-resident nobi, the criterion should be place of registry rather than place of actual residence. Those nobi registered in masters household registers were resident nobi, no matter where they lived. Then, those nobi left outside masters household registers were outside-resident nobi. The Chosun government classified private nobi into resident nobi and outside-resident nobi in order to distinguish those nobi subject to household tax from those exempted from that tax. Resident nobi were exempted from household tax, because they did not make up independent households. Meanwhile, those outside-resident nobi making up independent households were subject to household tax, in principle. Thus, the distinction between resident nobi and outside-resident nobi was created by the state for the purpose of household taxation on one segment of private nobi. With respect to outside-resident nobi, they were private persons belonged to their masters, but, at the same time they were public persons paying tax to the state. Therefore, in defining the socio-economic nature of Korean private nobi, it is necessary to consider their relation to the state as well, besides their relation to the masters. It should be kept in mind that nobi could perform public obligation, when illustrating the socio-economic nature of Korean private nobi. The public functions of Korean private nobi in late Chosun challenges the definition of their being either slaves or serfs, as known in the Western history. Slaves and serfs in the Western history were confined to doing private duties imposed by nobles or feudal lords, whereas Korean outside-resident nobi did perform public functions imposed by the state.
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김건태 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2010 규장각 Vol.37 No.-
이 글에서는 양안과 토지대장에 등재된 陳田과 ‘主’名의 성격에 대해 살펴보았다. 이를 통해 양안과 토지대장의 성격을 이해해 보고자 하였다. 조선시대 양안과 광무양안에 등재된 진전과 ‘主’名의 성격은 큰 차이가 없었다. 양안에 등재된 진전 가운데는 그 외관이 여느 산림천택과 다름없는 곳이적지 않았다. 그런데 진전은 양안에 등재되고, 산림천택은 양안에 등재 되지않았다. 이같이 진전 가운데 상당 부분은 실제로 산림천택임에도 불구하고,조선시대 사람들은 그곳을 논밭으로 인식했다. 양안의 ‘主’名으로 실명뿐만아니라 戶名, 字, 타인의 이름 등도 사용되었다. 이러한 사실은 다양한 형태의 이름으로 ‘主’名을 기재하더라도 각종 권리행사에 큰 지장이 없었음을 의미한다. 일제시기 이전까지는 양안에 ‘主’名을 등재할 때 소유자의 실명을기재하지 않아도 현실 생활에서 큰 문제가 발생하지 않는 시기였던 것이다. 한편 ‘陳’에 대한 일제의 인식은 그 이전과 확연히 달랐다. 토지조사사업 당시의 외형을 가지고 田, 畓, 河川, 溝, 林野 등으로 판단했다. 일제는 오직 토지조사사업 당시의 현실만 인정했던 것이다. 그리고 토지대장에 所有者名을등재할 때 오직 생존자의 실명만 사용하도록 했다.
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