http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.
변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.
가상준 ( Sang Joon Ka ),안순철 ( Soon Cheol An ) 서울대학교 한국정치연구소 2012 韓國 政治 硏究 Vol.21 No.2
본 연구는 민주화 이후 역대 정부의 국회와 행정부 간 관계를 당정협의 운영이라는 측면을 통해 살펴봄으로써 당정협의로 인해 역대 정부에서 부각된 공통적인 문제점은 무엇이었는지 알아보며, 문제점 해결을 위해 당정협의가 어떻게 운영되어야 하는지 제도적 대안을 모색해 보는 것을 목적으로 한다. 민주화 이후 역대 정부별 당정협의를 살펴보면 당정협의가 전반적으로 원활하게 운영되지 못했다는 결론을 얻을 수 있다. 여기에 대한 책임은 대통령과 여당 모두에게 있다고 할 수 있다. 행정부의 입장에서는 당정협의가 국회통과를 위해 필요한 과정이지만 절실하지 않았고, 정당의 입장에서 보면 당정협의는 정부 정책결정과정에 참여하는 기회였지만 주도권을 갖기 어려웠다. 이러한 결과들은 청와대와 행정부가 당정협의를 통해 여당과 국회를 통제하고 있으며 이로 인해 국회의 입법기능은 약해지고 정당 간 갈등만 초래하고 있다는 당정협의에 대한 부정적인 견해를 뒷받침하는 것이다. 대통령과 행정부가 국회와 정당을 국정파트너로 생각하고 이들의 협조를 통한 정책 추진을 위해서는 기존 당정협의 제도에서 과감히 벗어나야 한다. 이를 위해 현재의 당정협의 후 국회 내 정당 간 논의라는 이차적 구조를 행정부, 여당과 야당 간 협의라는 일차적 구조로 바꾸어 정부와 여당의 정책협의 및 조정을 위한 논의에 야당을 포함시키며 이를 국회 상임위원회 차원에서 협의가 이루어지도록 하는 방안을 제안한다. After the democratization there have been many problems caused by inefficient relationship between the legislative and the administration in terms of the Party- Government Policy Coordination System. This study aims at examining the shared problems of each government, seeking for institutional alternative system. It is found that the Party-Government Policy Coordination Systems of all governments have not been managed well as designed originally, and both the President and the ruling party have been responsible for the negative results. The followings are thought to be the purport of the system: The administration needs to get the support from the National Assembly to enact the laws concerned. Meanwhile, the governmental party can participate in policy-making process through Party-Government Policy Coordination System. Regrettably, the results support for a negative view that the Party-Government Policy Coordination System has been used as the means for the Blue House and the executive branch to manipulate not only the ruling party but also the National Assembly, which has been weakening the legislation function of the National Assembly, causing severe conflicts between ruling and opposite parties in the National Assembly. It is recommended that the Party-Government Policy Coordination System to be redesigned for having the Blue House and the executive branch to regard the National Assembly including the opposite parties as the partner of state affair. For that purpose, it is imperative that the current system needs to be overhauled and replaced by a new system where the opposite party is to be included in the Party-Government Policy Coordination System and the venue for that dialogue shall be the Standing Committees of the National Assembly concerned.
입법에 의해 종결된 공공분쟁의 특징: 국회의 역할을 중심으로
가상준 ( Sang Joon Ka ),안순철 ( Soon Cheol An ) 한국의회발전연구회 2010 의정연구 Vol.16 No.2
This study aims at examining characteristics of the public disputes resolved by legislation of the National Assembly out of public disputes taken place between 1990 and 2008 in Korea. In particular, it is interesting to see the role of the National Assembly in legislation for the purpose of settling public disputes. In general, it is believed that major roles of the National Assembly are lawmaking and resolving conflicts. It is of interest to see whether the National Assembly fully meets these expectation by investigating the public disputes resolved by the National Assembly. The study finds that 60 public disputes resolved by the legislation have important features. Firs of all, it finds that most of them attract national attention. In addition. the study uncovers that the intensity of the public disputes resolved by legislation are significantly strong compared with other disputes. Above all, it discovers that the role of the National Assembly in legislation is very insufficient. It is expected that the National Assembly play some role; however, lawmakers take a negative attitude because the public disputes resolved by legislation are related with policies with high complexity and high salience or policies with low salience. In order to prevent public dispute in advance and to resolve public dispute amicably, the National Assembly should play a more active role.
SNS 사용문화가 청소년의 학교폭력 및 사이버폭력에 미치는 영향
가상준 ( Sang Joon Ka ),김강민 ( Gang Min Kim ),임재형 ( Jae Hyoung Lim ) 단국대학교 분쟁해결연구센터 2013 분쟁해결연구 Vol.11 No.1
The study aims at analyzing college students`` perception on bullying and cyberbullying to examine the seriousness of cyberbullying. In particular, the study examines students`` perspectives on the relation between bullying and cyberbullying and necessary actions to prevent school violence in advance. Likewise, it scrutinizes whether there are sex differences in perceptions on the severity of bullying and cyberbullying. Results show that college students believe school violences in all elementary, middle, and high schools are extremely serious. Above all, they think that school violence in the secondary school is the most serious. Verbal attacks and bullying are the most common form of school violence. Results show that female students take school violence more seriously than do males. Importantly, we find that bullying is likely to engage in cyberbullying. Although bullying and cyberbullying in schools are severe, it is believed that programs to resolve or to prevent bullying and cyberbullying actions are not enough. In particular, in order to protect adolescents from cyberbullying and smartphone addiction students should be taught how to wisely use smartphone and internet with proper manners; however, they don``t have a chance to learn in schools. When students became victims of school violence, both male and female students believe friends are the most helpful. In the real world, when the vast majority of male and female students who were bullied or cyberbullied, they got valuable helps from friends. Surprisingly many students have not heard the Stop Program and the Peer Mediation Program designed to resolve and prevent school violence. It indicates that it is essential systematic education and public relations on these programs be strengthened.
한국의 공공분쟁 1990-2006: 단국대학교 분쟁해결연구센터 공공분쟁 데이터베이스
가상준 ( Sang Joon Ka ),신은종 ( Eun Jong Shin ),임재형 ( Jae Hyoung Lim ),김학린 ( Hak Lin Kim ) 단국대학교 분쟁해결연구센터 2007 분쟁해결연구 Vol.5 No.2
This study reports data on public dispute in Korea for the period 1990-2006. For this purpose, this study explicates a conceptual definition and operational definitions about public dispute and suggests some criteria for collecting information. This study presents the list of public disputes that had taken place in Korea for the period 1990-2006. The list (DCDR Public Dispute DB) contains a total of 408 public disputes. In addition, this study presents basic variables that are needed for empirical analysis and shows how these variables are generated.
가상준(Ka Sang joon),조진만(Cho Jin Man),최준영(JunYoungChoi),손병권(SohnByoungKwon) 21세기정치학회 2008 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.18 No.1
The purpose of the study is to examine whether the distinctive characters of individual standing committees have an effect on their composition and operations. In particular, we choose 4 committees, which are thought to be different from each other in terms of jurisdiction, out of 17 standing committees, and analyze their behavioral records. The selected committees are the Unification, Foreign Affairs & Trade Committee, the National Policy Committee, the Agriculture, Forestry, Maritime Affairs & Fisheries Committee, and the National Defense Committee. We examine their operations based on the level of change in membership, the percentage of attendance, the level of participation in committee meetings, and the mode of decision-making. The results show that all four committees fall short in the attendance and speech rate of members. Besides, the percentage of members absent during committee sessions without prior notice is high as well. The operation of standing committees is very important, because standing committees are one of the major arenas where consensus on a policy issue is reached among political parties, and where their consensus is directly connected to the operations and decisions of the floor. In order to enhance the trust of the public in the National Assembly and to perform the proper role of the National Assembly as a legislative body, it is necessary to reform the operations of standing committees among other things.
선호시설과 비선호시설에 의해 발생한 공공분쟁의 정치경제학
가상준(Ka Sang joon),안순철(SOON CHEOL AN),김강민(Gangmin Kim),김재신(Jaeshin Kim) 21세기정치학회 2013 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.23 No.2
This study aims at examining differences between the public disputes caused by the location selection of NIMBY facilities and the public disputes caused by the location selection of PIMFY facilities. In particular, this study compares the two kinds of public disputes in terms of issues, types, parties involved, intensity, and resolutions. Likewise, in this study we examine whether characteristics of the public disputes related to the selection of location are different from the other public disputes'. Analyses show that the public disputes with the location selection of NIMBY facilities are mainly environmental disputes, while the public disputes with the location selection of PIMFY facilities are chiefly regional disputes. A proportion of private-government disputes are comparatively high among the public disputes caused by the location selection of NIMBY facilities, while government-government disputes take high percentage of the public disputes caused by the location selection of PIMFY facilities. In terms of the intervention of civic groups, civic groups frequently intervene in the public disputes related to NIMBY facilities, while the intervention of civic groups in the public disputes related to PIMFY facilities are rare. These results indicate that characteristics of the public disputes related to the selection of location are influenced by cause of public dispute, the response of residents involved in public disputes of selection location, and governmental effort to resolve public disputes. Therefore, scholars and policy makers should take characteristics of public dispute into consideration to manage public disputes systematically.
가상준(Sang Joon Ka) 건국대학교 시민정치연구소 2022 시민정치연구 Vol.5 No.-
본 연구는 대의민주주의 운영의 기제에 대해 살펴보고, 한국사회는 중요한 사안 결정에 있어 어떠한 의사결정방식을 택하고 있는지 의회운영을 중심으로 알아보는 것을 목적으로 하였다. 또한 정치적 의사결정방식에 영향을 미치는 요인은 무엇인지 알아보며 특히, 한국사회의 갈등문제 심각성을 통해 현재 의사결정방식이 제대도 작동하지 않은 이유에 대해 살펴보았다. 또한 좀 더 민주적인 방식으로 의사결정을 하기 위해서는 어떠한 변화가 필요한지 알아보았다. 이를 위해 한국사회 갈등에 대한 시민들의 인식을 살펴보고, 한국사회 갈등구조 변화를 고찰해 보며, 의사결정방식의 전환 방향성에 대해 논의해 보았다. The purpose of this study was to examine the mechanism of the operation of representative democracy, and to find out what decision-making methods Korean society takes in determining important issues, focusing on the operation of the National Assembly. In addition, the factors that affect the political decision-making method were investigated, and in particular, the reason why the current decision-making method did not work properly was examined through the seriousness of the conflict problem in Korean society. Likewise, the study looked at what changes are needed to make decisions in a more democratic way. To this end, citizens' perception of conflicts in Korean society was investigated, changes in the structure of conflicts in Korean society were examined, and the direction of change in decision-making methods was discussed.