연장된 까르데나스체제 - 라사로 까르데나스 ( Lazaro Cardenas ) 와 멕시코 정치의 탈군사화 , 1938 - 1945

박구병(Koo Byoung Park) 한국서양사학회 2002 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.72

Extended Cardenismo: La´zaro Ca´rdenas and the Demilitarization of Mexican Politics, 1938-1945 The article deals with not only the presidency of La´zaro Ca´rdenas(1934-1940) in Mexico but also extended cardenismo after his presidency until 1945. Previous literature has mainly examined Ca´rdenas` incorporation politics of popular groups into governing coalition during his presidency and showed to what extent Mexicos political trajectory after 1940 contrasted with Ca´rdenas` radical politics represented by the oil expropriation and intensive land reform. As exemplified in a popular title the Mexican Revolution, 1910-1940, many works have claimed that after 1940, the pivotal year, the institutionalized Revolution began to change its preceding radical orientation. By contrast, this article intends to explore coherent trends of demilitarizing politics and reinforcing one-party rule that passed through the period between 1938 and 1945, a more moderate and consolidating phase of Ca´rdenas` decade. In particular, it pays close attention to considerable political influence that Ca´rdenas continued to maintain during his post-presidential years as a high-ranking military leader such as Commander of the Military Region of the Pacific (1941-1942) and Secretary of National Defense(1942-1945). While Mexico witnessed a long period of marginalizing military influence in politics since the Revolution had ended, Ca´rdenas played a bridge role in transforming the era of military politicos into the subsequent civilian rule. Like his predecessors, Ca´rdenas tried to establish a more disciplined and dependable army by promoting selective professionalization and incorporation of loyal military factions. In order to centralize his control over the military, Ca´rdenas undermined local bases of caudillos and their militias, which had remained remnants of revolutionary militarism. In the meantime, professionalization of the military allied with central government played a decisive role in subduing regional warlordism. He effectively prevented politically ambitious military leader from challenging against central authorities by allowing them to find alternative compensation in business sectors. Reorganizing the governing party in March 1938, he converted the military from political contestant into a pillar of theone-party system. Thus the professionalized military as a shareholder in the governing party was expected to confine its activities to maintaining institutional stability. Indeed much of Ca´rdenas` success of demilitarization derived from his incorporation into politics of agrarian and labor groups, which came to off counterbalances to military power within the institutional boundary. Moreover, Ca´rdenas brought a different dimension in demilitarizing Mexican politics. In sharp contrast to Obreg´on who wanted to be President once again or Calles who controlled important decision-making behind the scenes, after his presidency Ca´rdenas set a model of political non-intervention as a supreme commander of the army. Despite his influential position in the wartime situation and constant rumors regarding his political ambition, Ca´rdenas continued to lead professionalization of the military, without repeating his predecessors` customary political intervention. Ca´rdenas established a new paradigm of Mexican politics by exemplifying the principle of political non-intervention of the professionalized military. Ca´rdenas` continuing role after 1940 was instrumental in reinforcing long-standing one-party system and has distinguished the political history of Mexico from that of other Latin American countries, in most of whom the military had remained a principal and dangerous player in the political game at least until a couple of decades ago. Unlike them, Mexico has never undergone any serious military threat since the last 1930s and firmly established civilian control of the military afterwards. Although it is true that his broad

한국명태어업사

박구병 釜山水産大學校 1978 論文集 Vol.20 No.-

프랭클린 D. 루스벨트의 ‘선린정책’과 멕시코의 석유 국유화

박구병(Koo-Byoung Park) 한국라틴아메리카학회 2007 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.20 No.4

This article shows how Franklin D. Roosevelt(FDR)’s Good Neighbor policy affected the Latin American country’s internal affairs by paying special attention to the Mexican expropriation policy of oil wells managed by foreign multinational corporations in March 1938. During the Lazaro Cardenas presidency, the multinational oil enterprises that had operated in Mexico soon came under severe criticism for their maltreatment of workers and their failure to adhere to Mexican laws and pay taxes. The Mexican workers who were considered largely underpaid, precipitated a series of strikes in the main oil production areas and the situation reached a point of crisis. On March 18, 1938, Cardenas issued a decree that substantially expropriated oil wells of multinational corporations and nationalized the entire domestic petroleum industry. Facing with the international crisis surrounding the oil expropriation, the Roosevelt administration consistently maintained Good Neighbor policy that would produce a longer effect regarding the national interests. Good Neighbor policy paved a more favorable foundation for pan-American cooperation that would function effectively as the Western hemisphere became closely involved with the wartime situation especially after summer of 1939. Because of its geographical proximity, vast natural resources, and a lack of appropriate protection of unguarded shores, unprotected oil fields and mines, Mexico became a main strategic concern for the U.S. defense project. From the U.S. perspective, this possibility was very significant for several reasons: Mexico shared southern border with the U.S.; Mexico was the second largest Latin American country in population; Mexico had more questions at issue with the U.S. than any of others, especially culminated in oil expropriation dispute; finally other Latin American countries considered the U.S. approach toward Mexico as a yardstick of the reliability of the Good Neighbor policy. The Cardenas’ presidency has been recognized as the culmination of revolutionary nationalism in Mexico because of his reform politics such as agrarian and labor reform as well as the oil nationalization. Cardenas was able to strengthen at least symbolically the economic independence by means of the expropriation of oil industry that had formerly been controlled by foreign companies, and took advantage of the wartime situation to avoid overall boycott of the Mexican oil products before the end of his and Roosevelt’s presidential terms. However, right after the promulgation of oil expropriation, his reform politics began to change its preceding radical orientation. FDR’s Good Neighbor policy exercised gradual influence on Cardenas’ change of pace in his internal politics and eventually succeeded in steering Mexico to a new phase of mutual cooperation.

독립 이후 라틴아메리카 지식인들의 유럽 인식과 자기정체성 탐색 - 볼리바르에서 바스콘셀로스까지 -

박구병 ( Koo Byoung Park ) 한국서양사학회 2006 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.91

혁명적 환희의 이면: 멕시코의 유정 수용(收用) 조치와 외채 상환

박구병 ( Koobyoung Park ) 한국서양사연구회 2017 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.57

This article attempts to examine in what context the Lazaro Cardenas administration tried to extend state regulation on the petroleum industry controlled by foreign major companies in Mexico, and to what extent his decision to expropriate the companies’ oil wells could be regarded as a revolutionary policy. It also inspects how the important processes of workers’ organization contributed to enhancing the significant measure by the Cardenas administration. Since the end of the military phase in the Mexican Revolution, the nascent petroleum industry in Mexico had witnessed the growth of its working-class organization culminated in the creation of the national union in 1936. Labor-management dispute provided the Cardenas administration with an appropriate chance to intervene the oil industry and the Mexican government decided to expropriate the companies’ oil wells on March 18, 1938 after the companies refused to follow the federal board ruling. It was a culminating moment of the revolutionary nationalism in Mexico, but thereafter followed huge burden on the other side. Mexicans could not help but compensate for the loss of the companies, and repay the debt. A progressive Mexicanization of the oil industry had to pay for the euphoria of revolutionary nationalism and patriotic pride. The state of international affairs at the brink of war as well as Good Neighbor policy by the then U.S. government contributed to fulfilling the decision of the Mexican counterpart. The U.S. had fear of Axis expansion in Mexico and other Latin American countries and Josephus Daniels, the then U.S. Ambassador to Mexico, played a significant role in dealing with the tricky situation for the Mexicans. In effect, the expropriation did not entail display of outright hostility and violent reaction, and rather unprecedented display of broad patriotic passion and cohesion. However, the expropriation as an exceptional measure brought about the economic costs of debt repayment Mexicans had to be liable for. Although Cardenas’ announcement was considered tantamount to a declaration of economic independence and he was elevated to the status of an inspiring and even mythic hero, the expropriation of oil industry was not extended into other sectors in the country. The expropriation in March 1938 thus offered a perfect example of the new politica de masas that was the main legacy of the Revolution of 1910. The expropriation was also significant in making the shift of policies to a more moderate direction. It forced Cardenas to promise the companies a fair indemnity and guarantee that he would leave further expropriations out of consideration. (Dept. of History, Ajou University / kbpark@ajou.ac.kr)

서평 : 미국의 팽창: "사적으로 소유된 시장"의 확대(Emily S. Rosenberg, Spreading the American Dream: American Economic and Cultural Expansion, 1890~1945(양홍석 옮김, 『미국의 팽창: 미국 자유주의 정책의 역사적인 전개』, 도서출판 동과서, 2003), 380 pp.)

박구병 ( Koo Byung Park ) 서울대학교 미국학연구소 2004 미국학 Vol.27 No.-

이베로아메리카사: ‘국내 최초’ 연구의 외연 확대

박구병 역사학회 2019 역사학보 Vol.0 No.243

This article tries to review research on Spanish and Latin American history published for the past two years in Korean academia, and suggest necessary future tasks that Iberoamericanists in Korea have to take into proper consideration. Although more than ten years passed since Research Society of Iberoamerican History in Korea, its members remain practically unchanged. As one might expect, since its inception the research area in Korean academia has been heavily conditioned by scarcity in human power. In spite of hard times they have faced, several researchers attempted to extend their research topics into less explored fields such as the interrelation between Catholic and Islamic communities in medieval Spain, construction of ‘la Mezquita’ in Córdoba, characteristics of the Mexican liberalism in the 19th century, several faces of Latin American populism, and expropriation of foreign oil wells and debt repayment in Mexico. The last two years witnessed the entrance of new and younger generation in Latin American history, which was quite inspiring. They tried to not only add human power but also contributed in diversifying research subjects and topics by adopting new and recent approaches such as Salvador Allende’s Medicina Social and new political concepts in the periods of Mexican Independence movement. Moreover, it is recommendable and desirable for Iberoamericanists in Korea to actively participate in the joint research and collaboration projects on relevant topics as well as deepening own interested research themes and translating valuable academic works into Korean. 이번 「회고와 전망」에서는 2017-2018년에 주로 이베로아메리카사 연구회 소속 연구자들이 내놓은 연구 성과를 소개하고 그 의미를 살펴볼 것이다. 한국 학계에서 이베로아메리카사 분야는 2007년 이베로아메리카사연구회의 창립을 계기로 일정한 수준의 학술 교류와 연구가 유지되고 있으며 ‘국내 최초’라는 수식어가 붙은 연구가 늘어났지만 여전히 눈에 띄는 양적 성장과는 거리가 있다. 이베로아메리사 분야의 연구는 희소성을 특징으로 한국서양사학계의 다양성을 유지하고 확대하는 데 일조하는 단계를 넘어 연구자의 충원과 연구 수준의 질적 향상을 이루어야 하는 만만찮은 과제에 직면하고 있다. 연구 주제의 확대뿐 아니라 심화, 연구방법론의 정교화는 모든 1세대 연구자들의 공통적인 어려움일 듯하다. 후속 세대 연구자들이 어려운 환경에서도 박사학위를 취득하고 이베로아메리카사 분야 연구의 맥을 이어갈 수 있도록 당분간 개인 연구의 심화와 더불어 공동기획연구에 참여한다든가 중요한 번역서를 출판하는 작업을 통해 1세대 연구자들의 외로운 도전과 연대는 지속되어야 할 것이다.

멕시코와 쿠바 답사기 -세 문화의 광장에서 혁명 광장까지-

박구병 한국서양사학회 2016 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.131

과테말라의 ‘열띤 냉전’과 제노사이드 : 1980년대 초 원주민 학살

박구병 제주4.3연구소 2018 4.3과 역사 Vol.18 No.-

망명 이주민 멘추의 삶에 나타난 세계시민성의 단면

박구병(Koo-Byoung Park) 한국사회과교육연구학회 2009 사회과교육 Vol.48 No.4

마야 원주민인 리고베르타 멘추는 과테말라 내전이 낳은 망명 이주민으로서 군부독재체제의 원주민 학살을 고발하고 내전의 종식과 원주민 권리 회복을 위해 노력함으로써 1992년 노벨평화상을 수상했다. 그의 인생역정을 요약한다면 국경을 넘는 삶 또는 지역과 국가의 틀을 넘어 전 세계를 무대로 활동하는 초국적인 삶이라고 할 만하다. 망명 이주민 멘추의 생애는 무엇보다 다양한 이주와 이동, 즉 국내 추방, 이웃 국가인 멕시코로의 망명, 세계 각지 순방과 국제기구를 활용하는 정치 활동 등을 통해 세계의 여러 문제를 인식하게 될 뿐만 아니라 원주민 공동체와 지역, 국가, 세계를 연계시키는 세계시민의 귀감이 된다. 또 노벨평화상 수상을 계기로 진보적 성향의 정치 세력과 지식인들의 우상이 된 멘추가 사고의 독립성을 견지하는 가운데 혁명 투쟁으로부터 점차 새로운 방식의 사회운동으로 활동의 폭을 넓혔다는 점에 주목할 필요가 있다. 아울러 멘추의 삶은 신자유주의적 세계화 시대를 풍미한‘위로부터의 세계시민성’과 대비되는‘아래로부터의 세계시민성’의 실례를 제시해준다. This article focuses on the relationship between political upheaval and migration through the life of asylum seeker Rigoberta Menchu from Guatemala and pays special attention to the contribution of her transnational life to the discussion of global citizenship. Rigoberta Menchu Tum, a Mayan born in Guatemala, became an international icon for the rights of indigenous people in the Americas and ethnocultural reconciliation, especially after receiving the 1992 Nobel Peace Prize. The life of Rigoberta Menchu can be summarized as a life of “Crossing Borders,” just as the English title of her second book exposes. First of all, Menchu became a model global citizen who interconnects a local community, the national, and the global through her dramatic transnational experiences. It should be also noted that she increasingly evolved into a public figure with propensity for independence of thoughts. In addition, Menchu’s life gives a wonderful example of radical democratic conceptions of global citizenship, in other words, “global citizenship from below” that may be the strongest alternative to globalization and “global citizenship from above.”