보도피해구제제도의 현황과 개선방안에 관한 연구 : 언론평의회의 가능성을 중심으로

강성철 동국대학교 언론정보대학원 2003 국내석사

Confliction between individual basic right and freedom of expression might be inevitable, no matter how much efforts are exerted to the harmony of these two constructs. How can we keep a balance between them? In the Japanese constitutional theory, freedom of expression is understood as a 'right to know' for acquiring the information necessary for civil autonomy. It is thus a sort of political right endowed with a status that has priority over any other human rights. This is the premise in the adjustment between personality right and freedom of expression. Therefore, priority is determined based on the extent of a right to know. In the case citizens must have a right to know to achieve democratic self-government, freedom of information should take precedence. On the other hand, if there is no need for a 'right to know', personality right of citizens should have priority. In other words, in the cases of bribery or an abuse of power by politicians or government officials, a right to know take precedence (report based on real names), while in the crimes of ordinary citizens a right to know doesn't have priority (report based on anonymity). What is especially important in this decision is whether the person in the news is a general citizen or a public figure. In our society, the concept of a public figure has not been established clearly. For a balanced development of the society, an appropriate harmony between the two parties is important more than anything. When the civil society and the press achieve reciprocal cooperation, democracy would become mature. On the contrary, when the civil society suffers from the damages of press reports (e.g. defamation of character) and thus has a distrust against the press, the political authority attempts to control the press inspired by the negative public opinion. The result of this is nothing but the retrogression of society. Then, the remaining question is how we can achieve a maximum guarantee in the freedom of the press while respecting the personality right of individuals based on mutual trust. First of all, autonomous regulations by the press can be a solution. This is an attempt to recover trust of the civil society by the press that has enjoyed mighty status as the fourth power of the society. The formulation of ethical principles, deliberation of articles, gate-keeping, article reviews by lawyers, or installation of an internal organization for relieving the damages from the press reports. Second solution may be heteronomous regulations, such as an enactment of media acts or pre-censorships, which should never be permitted because they can be misused as a means to regulate the press by the national authority. Most of the practices in the autonomous regulations are concerned with the countermeasures to the lawsuits filed by the victims of the press reports or with the internal inspections by the press. But, these efforts have limitations in that these are carried out by the internal organizations of the press and that they can't avoid the characteristics of defensive journalism. Now, new autonomous regulatory institutions should appear from the disinterested party in order to actively promote freedom of press, to prevent interventions from the political authority, and to enhance social trust for the press. The present study considers the institutions for relieving the damages from the press reports in Korea, and examines the present problems of these institutions. In addition, the study also considers the institutions of many developed countries, whose environments for the press are maturer than ours. Based on this comparison, this study proposes the conditions of desirable institutions for the future. In conclusion, an introduction of press council will be able to promote autonomous damage relief in the press. For the purpose of recovering the trust between the civil society and the press and preventing improper interventions by the political authority, introduction of press council would be an urgent matter to be considered.

韓國 行政情報公開制度의 運用現況과 改善方案에 關한 硏究

배정호 東國大學校 言論情報大學院 2002 국내석사

한국의 행정정보공개제도는 참여민주주의를 갈망하는 국민의 염원을 담은 시대적 요청에 의해 국민주권의 원칙과 국민의 알 권리의 보장이라는 취지로 아시아에서는 처음으로 시행되었다. 그러나 1998년 1월 1일 시행 이후 제도의 정착과 운영에 따르는 여러가지의 문제점들이 지적되고 있다. 급기야 참여연대, 민변, 민언련 등을 비롯한 51개의 시민운동단체는 2001년 10월 국회에 정보공개법의 개정을 위한 청원을 내었고, 제도 운영의 주무부처인 행정자치부 또한 동법의 개정안을 내놓아 2001년 11월 국무회의의 의결까지 거쳤으나, 두 법안 모두 아직 국회에 계류 중인 상태로 서로의 정당성을 다투고 있다. 한편 참여정부의 출범 이후 정보공개법 개정과 관련한 태스크 포스팀이 구성되었고, 소관부처인 행정자치부의 장관에 개혁성향의 인사가 임명됨에 따라 보다 효과적인 법개정을 기대하게 한다. 본 연구는 행정자치부의 정보공개 연차보고서를 분석하고, 외국의 정보공개법과 제도의 운용 사례를 대비하여 보고, 시민운동단체의 의견이나 관련 학술논문과 서적을 참고하여 문제점을 조사하여 개선방안을 제시하였다. 그에 따라서 본 논문의 구성은 다음과 같다. 우선 1장에서는 본 연구의 문제제기와 연구방법에 대한 부분을 서술하고 2장에서는 이론적 배경으로서 정보공개제도의 개념과 기능, 알 권리와 알권리의 한계와 제한되는 문제에 대하여 살펴보았다. 3장에서는 한국의 정보공개제도의 도입배경과 내용을 알아보고, 제도의 시행해인 1998부터 2001년까지의 정보공개제도의 운용현황에 대하여 분석하여 문제점을 도출하였고, 4장에서는 스웨덴, 미국, 프랑스 등 주요국가의 정보공개제도 운용사례를 비교 분석하여, 5장에서는 한국의 정보공개제도 운용의 문제점에 대한 개선방향을 모색하였다. 끝으로 6장에서는 본 논문의 결론을 요약하고 연구의 한계점 및 시사점을 정리하였다. 행정정보공개제도는 제도시행의 취지와 같이 국민주권원리의 원칙이며, 국민의 알 권리의 보장을 위한 당위적 제도이므로, 국민과 공공기관은 정보공개제도가 제대로 정착하고 운용될 수 있도록 지속적인 관심을 아끼지 말아야 할 것이다. The purposes of this study are : The first is to describe basic theories about the administrative information disclosure system. The second is to point out the problem which is based on operation actual state of administrative information disclosure system. on the basis of these problems, the third is to suggest improvement to the better ways of system. The table of contents is as follow : Chapter 1. Introduction section 1. purpose of the study section 2. scope and method of the study Chapter 2. examination on the Administrative Information disclosure system and the right to know Chapter 3. Study on the current situation of the administrative imformation disclosure system in korea. section 1. background on induction of the administrative information disclosure system section 2. contents of the administrative information disclosur system section 3. current status of the disclosure of the administrative information section 4. problems of the disclosure of the administrative information Chapter 4. Study on the disclosure of the administrative information in major countries section 1. Sweden section 2. America section 3. France section 4. comparison on current status of the disclosure of the administrative information in major countries Chapter 5. Proposal for improvement of the administrative information disclosure system in Korea Chapter 6. Conclusion and suggestion section 1. condensation of the study section 2. conclusion section 3. boundary of the study and suggestion

韓國言論政策의 構造的 分析 : 歷代 政府의 言論政策과 改革課題를 中心으로

이철흥 東國大學校 言論情報大學院 1999 국내석사

This study is to assess the Media Policy of past Korean Governments and the current Media Policy, and their Media Market structures. Through an empirical analysis, I would like to suggest Media policy measures and strategies which may push ahead Korean Government to meet 21st century challenges more efficiently. As is generally known, dictatorship of the former military government resulted in the adhesive Press-Political power collabolation and the concurrent development of monopoly capitalism had resulted in the symbiotic adhesion of the Capital-Press relation. Consequently, the Korea Press in general, have been suffered from all sorts of hardship, limping, and adversaries. That is to say, critical roles and guarding accountabilities of the Korean Press has been chronically weakened, the Press has attached great importance to private function as well as public function, and also has disregarded the human rights by intensifying politico-administrative power organizations. Virtually, the mechanism of public opinion have been thrown up and broken against media policy reforms. Also, the roles and functions of the Korean Press market which was reorganized and distorted by the compulsory press mergence under such dictatorial government still exist today. And the market disorder was inherited by the media policy of Kim-Young Sam administration, which mistook the democratic policy, mobilizing some special privileges and permission mechanism for the Press. Accordingly, these functional loss, perversion of the Press and the failure and disorder of the Press market must be reformed by a more democratic Media Policy of the 'government of the People'. But as already known, the Press Policy of the Kim Dae-Jung Administration have shown the character of both noninterference and positive intervention for order recovery of the press market. In another words, the Administration has adhered to a passive noninterference policy rather than transforming the press toward indirect inducement. Since the government has the responsibility about reforms of the distorted press market state for the Press Publicity, any media policy of democratic polities should reflect public opinion and demands. As mentioned above, the Korean Press in 1990s must solve the very complex problems experienced in the era of 1970s~1980s toward the new media vision. Toward a new vision and image of 21st century media policy, our press and media systems need to explore and should analyze the past experiences of last four decades, and must foresee the future phenomena more correctly. In this context, first, the Korean media policy must recover the critical responsibility. Second, the Korean Press must realize the public input and citizen governance. Third, it should realize the rationalization of its policy and management. Fourth, it must improve the professionalism and accountable capability. Accordingly, the Administration must recognize that the press should accomplish the social development roles and democratization. In conclusion, both the government and press must be reconstructed to avoid the adhesive Press-Political power collaboration again, setting an entirely new democratic media policy, honoring democratic values, especially freedom of opinion, information, and expression.

경찰언론 홍보의 발전적 방안 연구 : CRM과 개방체계론적 경찰이미지 분석 중심으로

김종민 동국대학교 언론정보대학원 2002 국내석사

This study aims at improving the image of police which has been politically distorted and unduly recognized, although they have protected the people's lives and bodies as well as preserved the peace and order of public society, and at seeking a developmental program to strengthen the publicity activities of the police, especially at applying a corporate method to manage the customer relations(CRM), which was introduced by a general administrative machinery to the police. Above all, the role and duty of the police is clarified to explain the purpose of the publicity activities of the police in the introduction, while the CRM by the corporation and the general administrative machinery is studied to find a method and content of this study as follows; first, the target customer is selected to identify CRM of a corporation and the concept of customer in CRM by the general corporation; second, the customer is classified into bad customer, inside customer, 2nd customer, 3rd customer, and potential customer according to the value and needs of CRM; third, the CRM's function acting on each customer by means of correlation is defined; and fourth, its impact on custormization, and customs-made service is examined; and finally, in order to study a general administrative machinery's application of CRM, an introductive and applicative course of CRM concept and integration of communication are explained. In chapter 2, that is a theoretical investigation, the theory of publicity activities of the police is explained by a closed systematic approach which has been applied until now and an open systematic approach which will be applied hereafter, and based on this theroy, the difference of CRM between the police and the corporation along with the way to introduce CRM by the general administration and to apply the CRM by the police are explained. All of these efforts are intended to reform the image of the publicity activities of the police, which requires a practical effort, so an empirical questionnaire is conducted in order to know the practical task and to infer the theory and application of this study.

출판유통 정보화에 관한 출판물 특성간의 실증적 비교연구 : 유통경로관리 및 물류관리 분석 중심

김태화 동국대학교 언론정보대학원 2001 국내석사

Recently, publishing industry has been urged to adopt new information technologies which help deal with information overload, capture collective knowledge, and increase the overall flexibility of the organization. However, even though the philosophy of information technology is to improve productivity, we often see that many advanced information technologies in work organization do not increase personnel and organizational productivity as expected. Many researchers have studied and found that the effective use of information technologies would be influenced by many factors. Among these factors, this study emphasize on the following two factors: "distribution management channel(DMC)" and "physical distribution management(PDM)". This research attempts to answer the question: "How do DMC and PDM influence on the information technology use in terms of publishing products?" In order to answer the question, this study choose publishing industry as a research site and compare three different publishing products including magazines, reference books, and books(independent volume). The primary research method used is analysis of documents, observations and transcription of interviews. The result of this research provides evidence that the DMC and PDM is vary based on the characteristics of products and also affects the adopting of information technology use.

명예훼손에 대한 언론사 대처방안에 관한 연구

김상우 동국대학교 언론정보대학원 2002 국내석사

The number of libel suits against media companies in Korea is on the increase. Plaintiffs have been awarded much more than in the past. Suits filed by public official/figure (public plaintiff) have increased. Among them are prosecutors, high-ranking officials, politicians and soldiers. Media companies must meet the burden of proof. Every newspaper or broadcast station owes it to the community to report the news, but that duty carries with it the legal obligation not to interfere with the rights of others. Some journalists are careless with the facts and cavalier with people's reputations and private lives. This study is designed to find an effective system for media companies and reporters to avoid libel suits. In order to solve these problems, the author of this study suggests the following ideas: First, it is advisable that media companies retain in-house counsel. The lawyers should conduct prepublication review. Editors will fax or e-mail stories that they believe warrant legal review. Lawyers will then call the editor back with suggested changes to the language, or to identify information that they think needs further research, or both. Lawyers can help journalists report the news the way journalists want to, in a manner that is legally defensible. Second, it is desirable for media companies to purchase media liability insurance. Media liability insurance is an essential coverage for media companies because a libel suit can result in a verdict of tens of millions, even hundreds of millions, of won. The suits can be quite costly to defend as well. Media companies need insurance to pay the cost of defense and to cover themselves if a decision goes against them. The verdicts rendered against media companies in media liability cases can threaten the financial life of even the largest of media companies. Third, a true ombudsman is helpful in avoiding libel suits. A study by the Iowa libel project found that the biggest reason people sued for libel was how they were treated when they complained. Most libel plaintiffs are not looking for money but to protect and restore their reputation. If they feel they were not heard or were treated badly when they complained about a mistake or another problem, they were more likely to sue later. Prompt response to complaints can help avoid lawsuits. News organizations must assign a specific individual to accept calls and letters of complaint. Fourth, journalists should try to avoid libel suits as American journalists do. The Libel Defense Resource Center is a non-profit information clearinghouse organized in 1980 by leading media entities to monitor and promote First Amendment rights in libel, privacy, and related fields of law. The Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press (RCFP) has emerged as a major national resource in free speech issues, disseminating information in a variety of forms, including a quarterly legal review, a bi-weekly newsletter, a 24-hour hotline, and various handbooks on media law issues. 언론 보도 있는 곳에 명예훼손 가능성은 항상 존재한다. 기자들은 국민의 알 권리를 더 빨리, 정확하게 충족시키기 위해 노력하는 반면 사회가 민주화되면서 언론의 자유와 알 권리 충족에 절대적인 가치를 부여하기보다 개인의 명예도 함께 보호하고 존중할 것을 강력하게 요구하기 때문이다. 언론 보도로 피해를 보았다며 언론중재위원회에 정정보도나 반론보도를 신청하는 건수가 1980년대 후반부터 급격하게 증가하고 있고 법원의 손해배상청구 소송 건수도 꾸준히 늘고 있다. 더욱이 검사·고위 공무원·군인 등 공인(公人)들이 과거와 달리 피해자 대열에 속속 합류하고 있다. 법원은 국민의 알 권리나 언론자유보다 개인의 인격권을 중시하는 방향으로 판결을 내려 언론사와 기자들을 심리적으로 위축시키고 있으며 손해배상액수도 고액화 추세를 보이고 있다. 소송이 제기되면 언론사와 기자는 피해자와 합의하거나 재판에서 방어하는데 많은 시간과 노력을 들여야 한다. 하지만 언론사는 아직까지 소송을 기자 개인의 책임으로 돌리는 분위기가 우세하며 대응방법도 즉흥적이고 미봉적이다. 일부 언론사는 재판에서 패소할 경우 기자에게 구상권을 행사하기도 하며 인사평가에 소송 내역을 반영하려는 움직임을 보이고 있다. 그만큼 기자들이 소신있게 취재하고 보도하는 것이 어려워지고 있다. 언론이 명예훼손 가능성이 조금이라도 있는 기사를 쓰지 않는다면 문제를 피해나갈 수는 있지만 그것은 언론의 임무와 사명을 포기하는 것이나 다름없다. 따라서 언론사와 기자들은 타인의 명예를 보호하면서 언론의 임무를 성실히 수행할 수 있는 방법을 모색해야 한다. 그동안 피해자들의 권리 의식이 급격히 높아진 것과 대조적으로 언론사와 기자들의 노력은 상대적으로 미진했다. 본 연구는 위험관리(risk management) 차원에서 미국과 일본의 명예훼손 현황과 해결 방안을 살펴보고 우리에게 적용가능한 대처방안을 찾고자 했다. 연구는 문헌연구와 심층 인터뷰를 병행했다. 심층 인터뷰의 대상자는 기자·변호사·판사·옴부즈맨·보험회사 직원 등이며 대면 인터뷰를 원칙으로 했으며 대면 인터뷰가 어려운 경우 이메일·전화 인터뷰를 했다. 한국의 언론사가 명예훼손에 대처하기 위한 방안으로 본 연구가 제시한 것은 다음과 같다. (1) 변호사 자문을 강화하고, 가능하면 상근 변호사제를 도입해야 한다. 변호사는 보도 이전 단계에서 기사를 검토해 법률적 분쟁이 발생할 소지를 사전에 제거함으로써 기자가 의도한 방향대로 보도하는데 도움을 줄 수 있다. 그러나 기사 검토는 국민의 알 권리와 언론의 자유를 확보하는 차원에서 편집국의 요청에 의해 하는 것이 바람직하다. (2) 언론사의 보험 가입이 필수적이며, 가입할 경우 보상한도액을 현실에 맞게 정해야 한다. 언론사도 다른 기업과 마찬가지로 경영 과정에서의 위험을 분산시키는 것이 필요한데 보험에 가입하면 피해자가 명예훼손 소송을 제기하겠다는 위협이나 법원의 고액 배상 판결에 위축되지 않으면서 취재·보도에 임할 수 있다. (3) 미국식 옴부즈맨 도입을 적극 검토해야 한다. 미국에서 명예훼손피해자들이 소송을 내는 가장 큰 이유는 자신들의 불만을 언론사가 조기에 적절하게 대응하지 않았기 때문으로 밝혀졌다. 체면과 명예를 중시하는 한국인의 정서에 비춰볼 때 언론사 경력이 풍부한 중견 언론인을 옴부즈맨으로 임명, 피해자들의 불만에 적절하게 대응하도록 하면 소송을 줄일 수 있을 것이다. (4) 언론인들의 자구노력이 절실하다. 명예훼손 소송이 언론 자유를 위협한다는 위기의식을 갖고 언론인들이 자발적으로 대처해야 한다. 소송관련 자료나 판례를 체계적으로 축적하고 기자들을 상대로 한 법률 상담을 활발하게 펼치야 한다. 이를 위해 한국기자협회 등 언론 유관 단체가 적극적으로 나서는 것도 필요하다.

銀行의 情報시스템 監査制度 改善 方案에 관한 硏究 : J銀行 事例를 中心으로

김송주 東國大學校 言論情報大學院 1999 국내석사

Financial institutions, in Korea, are encouraged to have both internal and external audit of Information Systems(IS) activities for governance. However, Because the IS is improved and complicated more and more, IS Audit systems in Financial institutions, especially banks could pose significant risk. The purpose of this study is to enhance the efficiencies and effectiveness of IS management by audit activities. And First, We examine IS audit systems at present, and then compare and analyze those systems using by ISACA's COBIT and IT BSC model, and personnel privacy model. After all, We find the limitations of IS audit architecture. So, To solve the problems, This paper proposes that financial institutions introduce the external audit activities by expert, and disclose the audit reports for IS environment as investor and customer.

한국언론중재제도의 개선방안에 관한 연구 : 한국언론중재위원회를 중심으로

정동우 동국대학교 언론정보대학원 2001 국내석사

This Study is mainly focused on the ways to improve the system of relief in cases of press infrigement, with a special emphasis on the Korean Press Arbitration Commission. Cardinal analysis was made as below in this study. 1. the legal basis and characteristics of Press Arbitration Commission(PAC). 2. Haw PAC is accepted to journalists and the general public. 3. what relationship with PAC and press ethic commission(PEC), the press self control system. 4. whether there are some discord with constitution in PAC or not. 5. what kind of affection PAC occur to actual activity of journalists. 6. the rational ways to improve the press arbitration system. The PAC is very unique because that is a compulsory system backed up by law of periodicals. the similar system couldn't seen in other country. the PAC was started in 1981 base on basic law of the press. As well known, the law was made to control the press by the couped military government. Despite this vulnerable point in born, the PAC has been faithfully fulfilling its duty for the last 20 years. Now the commission is being recognized for its nessecity by the public and is doing it's mission in cases of press infrigement. But doing the mission by the government office, not by the court is still vulnerable point and basic problem of this system, the mission is checking the details of press reporting and making judgements in cases of press infrigement. There are no democratic countries that have this kind of system. We can see the similar systems in socialism countries or military rolling countries. In this study, we have known the PAC is blamed as unconstitutional in such points as consideration and authoritative arbitration function. and the faction of PAC is overlapping with the press ethic commission(PEC), the press self control system. there is another blame of the government system make the self control system powerless. So the only way the PAC has strong power maintaining the structure and system is by changing the character of the commission from compulsive system to self control system.

한국 언론인의 윤리의식과 개선방안에 관한 연구 : 신문윤리강령의 '품위' 조항을 중심으로

나종하 동국대학교 언론정보대학원 2004 국내석사

Press reports and critique of social, economic and political events have deep impact on public opinion. In many cases they provide ground for deciding individual's course of action. Therefore ethical responsibility of mass media cannot be overstated. Very high level of dignity and ethical awareness is expected and required. But unfortunately it cannot be said that current media situation in Korea reflect such level of high ethical awareness. In a survey conducted in March of 2003, 60%of the journalists surveyed stated that they have either received some sort of favor (money, entertainment, junket and etc.) from people in relation with the story one's filing, including news sources. The first chapter of this thesis presents the purpose and method of the study. Chapter 2 deals with theoretical background and also reviews earlier studies. Chapter 3 offers methodology of statistical approach undertaken in this study. The fourth chapter applies this methodology and analyses the result of the survey. The fifth chapter presents conclusion and summary, a few points of the study to be taken up in the future. The results of the survey were as follows: 1. Majority of the journalists believes that their ethical consciousness has improved compared with three years ago. 2. But close to sixty percent of journalists surveyed still answered that they received some sort of favor people in relation to their stories. 3. Favor received range from free golf, junket to money. Golf more evident in the case of journalists with longer career. 4. But only 7.4% of surveyed stated these favors affected their reports or stories. 5. Only 32.8% of the surveyed said that they consider these favors bribes. 6. Majority of the surveyed also stated that reception of these favors will decrease in the future. 7. About 40% of the surveyed said that current press room system was one of the reason for media corruption. 8. Journalists surveyed were divided on whether the heteronomous reform was necessary. 33% were in favor and 31% opposed. By analyzing the above results, I reached the conclusion that following actions were necessary to improve the ethical awareness of the journalists: First, journalists need have firm recognition that receiving favors is same as receiving bribes. Second, media companies take steps to provide adequate fund for filing stories. Third journalists must be trained to apply the strict ethical standard. Fourth journalist should actively participate in 'press room' reform. Finally journalists need to take initiative in reforming the structural problems evident in Korean society. It is also necessary for the ownership and management of the media companies to recognize these problems and endeavor to improve the situation. Also vigilant media watch and voicing opinions by non-government organizations will help improve the situations.

전쟁시 언론의 오보방지를 위한 군 공보체계 수립에 대한 연구

박인옥 동국대학교 언론정보대학원 2002 국내석사

The military and the press play an important role than any other bodies for guaranteeing the national security and the people's right to be informed. In war-time, the military receives intensive spot right from the press and the people, and the press is the first means for people to obtain information about war situation, meeting their right to be informed. In this paper, I suggested fundamental tasks for the army and the press to prevent incorrect report in war-time, through case studies on the cause of incorrect report and every kinds of war. Incorrect report happens due to the conflict between the military and the press such as the different thoughts on the range of military secrets which is a conflict factor between the two bodies, a different perception on the value of news, a difference in the acknowledgement on the things covered, an excessive prejudice of the press and the military to each other, a legal control to the access to the military information, and the likes. Other than these fundamental factors, the cause of incorrect report includes a negative outlook on the military, speculative articles resulted from the secretive methods of the military, reporter's shortage of knowledge on the military, practice of informing the news obtained outside the military without confirmation, and the complexity of confirming procedure for the covered information, etc. Behind this, there are intrinsic conflicts between the military and the press. Analyzing war cases, these conflicts are well expressed. In war-time, effective news control is a decisive factor to win the war, especially modern wars require overall security capacity to be exerted, so military power and the integration of people's will to perform the war are the key to the win the war. Examining the cases of people's will to carry out a war, we get lessens from the coverage of the press during the Gulf war and Vietnam war. These cases tell us that the press in wartime plays a bigger role than the army's strategy or advanced weapons, and that it should go with active cooperation with the press to win a war. Thus, the military should try to understand and keep a good relation with the press even in peace time, and construct a cooperating system in which the press can think good of the military. Basically, reporting attitude in wartime is a problem up to the military. The urgent tasks of the military include determination of basic contents to news blackout and the news control, establishment of news briefing guideline toward the press, and clarification of the concept of the public affairs which has been in the state of ambiguousness in peace and war-time. Present curriculum for the officers charged in public affairs in wartime should be corrected suitably to the concept of public affairs in war-time. In the present curriculum, the classes of public affairs in war-time is just 9%, and the classes of experiment and practice needed to perform effectively the tasks has been rarely adopted. The direction of public affairs in wartime should be established as well. Despite public affairs guideline is to be shared with other departments and the press, it has been limited to the military, which should be corrected. The release of the war situation to the press should be unified through a single channel, which is necessary to elevate the credibility of the coverage of war situation and to conform the outlooks. Lastly, the military should educate army-related reporters so that the reporters can recognize correctly the reality and the direction of the army, and the reporters are to be educated in detailed separate groups. The primary task of the press is to cultivate military-special reporters. Blanket re-education of the reporters could keep them from going with the specialization of the military. Reporters' lack of specialization could lead to incorrect report resulting from the wrong article on the military. In such cases, the credibility on the military and the assurance of people's right to be informed could be invaded obviously by just one reporter. Also, the press companies damaged from the Pool-System during the Gulf war need to set up a hierarchically independent system in which the companies consult with the military for the number of war-correspondents and the equipments according to the function of each company having its own war-correspondents, and to downsize the unnecessarily large press corps, and to resolve the problem of sharing the covered news. I concluded that, when the problems to be resolved between the military and the press is settled, news censorship and news control other than the coverage which could affect the operations security and negative public opinion become unnecessary as a result of the consultation between the military and the press. Also, conflicts between the two bodies and the incorrect report in wartime could also be prevented.